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1.
THE FIRST REPORTS OF POLYNESIAN SURFRIDING
The earliest written
reports of Polynesian surfriding activity were initially in Tahiti by crew
members of James Cook's Pacific expeditions, before his visits to the Hawaiian
Islands in 1778 and 1779.
"Cook's journals are the starting point for all studies of the history and culture of four major island groups in Polynesia (Society, Tonga, New Zealand and Hawai'i) and of eastern Australia, Vanuatu (New Hebrides) and New Caledonia." (1)
1.1 Joseph Banks, in company with Cook and Solander, reported in his journal, 29th May 1769:
"In the midst
of these breakers 10 or 12 Indians were swimming who whenever a surf broke
near
them divd
under it with infinite ease, rising up on the other side; but their chief
amusement was
carried on
by the stern of an old canoe, with this before them they swam out as far
as the
outermost
breach, then one or two would get into it and opposing the blunt end to
the
breaking wave
were hurried in with incredible swiftness." (2)
This first report
corresponds to a description of basic surfriding activity- the paddle out,
the take-off and the ride.
In particular it
notes the use of a craft to increase surf riding performance, albeit "the
stern of an old canoe".
Although not detailed
in any of the available literature, the recycling of damaged canoes into
smaller craft may have been common practice in ancient surfboard building.
1.2 On Cook's third Pacific voyage, a report of Tahitian canoe surfing was recorded by William Anderson, Surgeon 'Resolution' in August-September 1777.
"He went out
from the shore till he was near the place where the swell begins to take
its rise; and,
watching its
first motion very attentively, paddled before it with great quickness,
till (it) had
acquired sufficient
force to carry his canoe before it without passing underneath.
He sat motionless,
and was carried along at the same swift rate as the wave, till it landed
him on
the beach.
Then he started
out ... and went in search of another swell.
I could not
help concluding that this man felt the most supreme pleasure while his
was driven so fast
and smoothly
by the sea." (3, 4)
1.3 About the same time, another member of Cook's crew, William Bligh, observed Tahitian surfriders using another rudimentary craft.
"The general
plan of this diversion is for a number of them to advance with their paddles
to where the sea begins to break and, placing the broad part under the
belly, holding the other end with their arms extended full length, they
turn themselves to the surge and balancing themselves on the paddles are
carried to the shore with the greatest rapidity." (5)
This report, echoing
Banks', notes the use of a craft to increase surf riding performance, in
this case laying on the blade of a canoe paddle with the handle extended
forward.
Similarly, the recycling of damaged paddles into surf craft may have been common practice in ancient surfboard building. Consider the image
right,
Note that the paddles were shaped from on piece of timber and a broken shaft would render the paddle unusable. |
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2. Banks,
Joseph: The Endeavour Journal of Joseph Banks 1768 - 1771
Edited by J. C.
Beaglehole
The Trustees of
the Public Library of New South Wales in Association with Angus and Robertson
89 Castlereagh Street,
Sydney.
First published
February 1962. Second Edition 1963.
Two Volumes. Volume
1, page 283. (1963)
3. Quoted
in Warshaw, Matt: The Encyclopedia of Surfing
Viking
Penguin Books Australia
Pty Ltd
250 Camberwell Road
Camberwell, Victoria
3124, Australia. 2004. Pages 134 - 135.
Warshaw contributes
the quote to James Cook, as does Dela Vega (2004) who notes
"In
(Cook,
1784) Vol. II, Chapter 9, 1777, Capt. Cook describes canoe surfing in
Tahiti."Dela
Vega, Timothy T. (editor): 200 Years of Surfing Literature - An
Annoted Bibliography
Published
by Timothy T. Dela Vega.
Produced in
Hanapepe, Kaui, Hawaii. 2004 (ed, 2004), page 15.
For the full Cook
(1784) reference, see below.
In a personal email,
July 2006,Patrick Moser, Drury University, noted
"the famous description
of Tahitian canoe riding by William Anderson (not James Cook) on Cook's
third voyage"
Sincere thanks to
Patrick Moser for his substantial contribution to this subject.
4. All reproduced
text is in bold italics.
For screen clarity,
the reproduced text and my own work has been adjusted to my standard online
format, that is paragraphs are indicated by a spaced line (replacing indentation)
and each sentence takes a new line.
5. Quoted
in McGinness, Laurie. Photographs by Crawford, Peter: Wildwater - The
Surfriding Way of Life
Jack Pollard Publishing
Pty Ltd. Rigby Ltd Sydney 1977. page 1.
Awaiting confirmation
of the full reference.
6. Holmes,
Tommy: The Hawaiian Canoe - Second Edition
Editions Limited,
PO Box 10558 Honolulu, Hawaii 96816.
First Edition 1981.
Second Edition 1993. Second Printing 1996. page 59.
7. Holmes
(1993),
op. cit. pages 59-61.
Holmes devotes a
(fully referenced) chapter to paddles, pages 58 to 63.
The second edition
adds a further chapter, pages 203 to 205.
2. THE FIRST REPORTS OF HAWAIIAN SURFBOARDS
A number of reports
of surfring and/or surfboards were recorded by member of James Cook's crew
on the expeditions two visits to Hawaii, 1978-1979, however none can be
directly attributed to Cook.
2.1 An early
description by Charles Clerke, Captain 'Resolution' at Waimea, Kauai
or Kamalino, Ni'ihau
between 19th
January to 2nd February, 1778 notes:
"...a thin piece of Board about 2 feet broad & 6 or 8 long, exactly in the Shape of one of our bone paper cutters; upon this they get astride with their legs, then laying their breasts along upon it, they paddle with their Hands and steer with their Feet, and gain such Way thro' the Water, that they would fairly go round the best going Boats we had in the two Ships, in spight of every Exertion of the Crew, in the space of a very few minutes." (1)
Although Clerke does
not indicate the use of the boards for surfriding, but rather notes their
effective use as paddleboards, no doubt they served both purposes.
The use of, even
a small, board is a significant advantage to paddling speed relative to
swimming speed.
Furthermore, employed
as a floatation device a board can significantly reduce fatigue.
Generally, the larger
the volume of a board, the greater the improvement in padding speed and
distance.
Also note that if
the board's volume allows the rider to sit above the water line while stationary,
there is a marked improvement in their field of vision.
A 18th century bone
paper cutter was a thin straight blade with bevelled edges and rounded
at both ends.
Unlike the later
pointed letter opener, the 18th century item was designed to break the
wax that sealed correspondence, and not cut the paper. (2)
In modern parlence,
the shape of a wooden ice-confection stick.
To summarize Clerke's description: a thin timber board about 24'' wide and with length varying between 6 and 8 feet, the template is essentially parrallel with rounded nose and tail.
2.2 A second report describing boards used for paddling is by William Ellis, Surgeon's Mate, 'Discovery', at Waimea, Kauai, January 1778.
"Besides these, they have another mode of conveying themselves in the water, upon very light flat pieces of boards, which we called sharkboards, from the similitude the anterior part bore to the head of that fish." (3)
In contrast to Clerke,
Ellis describes the boards with a a semi-pointed nose, similar to the profile
of a shark's head.
Ellis's comment
on the boards' weight ("very light"), is either based on him personally
handling an example or he has noted a similar report by another crew member.
The boards may have
been built from willi willi (Erythrina sandwicensis) or breadfruit
(ulu)
(Artocarpus incisus).
These timbers will
further discussed at length, below.
2.3 George
Gilbert, midshipman 'Resolution', also observed Hawaiians paddling
boards as an alternative to transportation by canoes.
In February 1779,
Gilbert reported from Kealakekua Bay, Hawai'i:
"Several of those Indians who have not got Canoes have a method of swimming upon a piece of wood nearly in the form of a blade of an oar, which is about six feet in length, sixteen inches in breadth at one end and about 9 at the other, and is four or five inches thick, in the middle, tapering down to an inch at the sides." (4)
Gilbert's description,
while indicating a length at the bottom range of Clerk's account,
varies in the narrow width and a tapered template ("sixteen inches in
breadth at one end and about 9 at the other") and, significantly, in
the thickness ("four or five inches thick").
The template is
possibly indicated as featuring a rounded nose "in the form of a blade
of an oar".
The account later
implies that members of the crew attempted to paddle the boards, without
success.
"These pieces of wood are so nicely balanced that the most expert of our people at swimming could not keep upon them half a minuit without rolling off." (5)
This is consistant with Ellis' comment (above) that indicates the boards have been examined closely by some crew members and must have been held to report the weight.
2.4 Apart
from the written accounts, Cook's artist, John Weber in "A View of
KaraKakooa, in Owyhee" illustrated a Hawaiian paddling a surfboard
for transportation as an alternative to canoes, as described by Clerke,
Ellis and Gilbert, noted above.
An engraving by
W. Byrne, based on an original drawing at Kealakekua Bay, 17 January 1779,
was printed in the official account of the voyage, Plate 68.
The board and paddler
is depicted in the image below, cropped from the much larger work.
![]() |
Detail from John Webber : A View of KaraKakooa, in Owyhee. An engraving based on an original drawing at Kealakekua Bay, 1779. Printed in the official account of the voyage, Plate 68. (6) |
While it does not indicate any significant details of the board's template (unless the nose template is said to be square), the estimated dimensions closely correspond with Samwell's Kealakekua Bay report of "a thin board about six or seven foot long & about 2 broad" .
2.5 The first
report of surfboard riding activity in Hawaii, is by David Samwell, Surgeon's
Mate 'Discovery', at Kealakekua Bay, Hawai'i, dated January 22,
1779.
Samwell describes
the board as:
"a thin board about six or seven foot long & about 2 broad" (7)
This is similar, if a little shorter, to the dimensions as estimated by Clerke, above.
2.6 Another
journal entry descibing board riding is from Kealakekua Bay,
Hawai'i, March 1779, by Lt. James King of "Resolution" .
Following Cook's
death on the 14th February 1779, King was promoted to first lieutenant
and his duties included continuing Cook's log.
King describes the
board as:
"an oval piece of plank about their Size & breadth" (8)
This appears to indicate
a board approximately 6ft long and 20'' wide with a rounded nose and tail
template.
The description
is consistant with that of Clerke, above.
2.7 Following
the return of Cook's third Pacific expedition to England on the 4th October
1780, the Admiralty selected the Reverend John Douglas to edit the logs
and journals to prepare them for publication.
The first edition
was published in 1784. (9)
In an entry for
Kealakekua Bay, Hawai'i, March 1779, a surfboard is briefly described
as:
"a long narrow board, rounded at the ends" (10)
Despite the similarity
in the two surfboard descriptions, there are significant differences between
the two accounts of surfriding activity attributed to James King.
Finney
and Houston (1996) caution that
"... the official
publication ... was heavily edited by ... Douglas ... adding marterial
of his own and from other accounts of the voyage." (11)
2.8 It should
be noted that these reports provide a limitted perspective of Hawaiian
surfing at the time.
Although the reports
only indicate prone surfriding, undoubtedly native skills far surpased
this activity and there was a greater range of board designs than those
observed.
In total, the ships
of Cook's third pacific expedition were anchored in Hawaiian waters for
49 days.
The longest stay
was at Kealakekua Bay, Hawai'i (30 days) but much of the return visit would
have been
preoccupied with
Cook's violent death and its aftermath. (12)
It would appear
that the most observations were probably at, or around, Kealakekua Bay.
Note that there
are no reports from Hilo Bay on Hawaii or Wakiki on Ohau, apparently the
two major centres of
ancient Hawaiian
surf-riding. (13)
Also note that at
this time of the year the predominant swell direction is the famed winter
swells originating in
the North Pacific,
and the extended anchorages were all on the southern coasts.
Generally, the southern
coasts best surfriding conditions are with the summer swells from the southern
ocean,
although some may
also be exposed to winter swell from the west. (14)
If the Kona coast
surfriders had been questioned as to the suitability of the conditions,
their response may have
translated approximately:
The one northern
anchorage, at Waimea Bay on the island of Ohau, was only for one night
(27 - 28 February
1779).
Given the modern
reputation of this location for big wave surf-riding at this time of the
year, it appears that
Clerke's decision
to relocate to Waimea Bay on Kaui was sensible.
2.9 It is
important to note that all hand shaped surfboards are unique and any general
reports of a board's characteristics as these would not indicate specific
individual features.
Also note that craftsmen
working in timber are likely to be guided to some extent by the specific
chracteristics of a particular tree or piece of timber, for example splits,
knots or woodrot, that may determine a board's dimensions.
Furthermore, board
design could be significantly restricted if, as previously suggested, "the
recycling of damaged canoes into smaller craft may have been common practice
in ancient surfboard building." (1.1)
Finally, board design
may fluctuate with local conditions and/or local precedents.
2.10 The reports
by Cook's crew are summarized in the following table.
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Activity |
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Length |
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Width |
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Thickness |
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Weight |
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Template |
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Nose |
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Tail |
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Rails |
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2.11 The accounts
of Hawaiian surfboards detail four cases of their use for transportation
(Clerke, Ellis, Gilbert and Weber) and three cases of prone surfriding
(Samwell, King and King as edited by Douglas).
Undoubtedly, the
boards observed as 'paddleboards', were also used, if not intended, for
surfriding.
In all cases, the reports refer to adult (on one occassion, tandem) paddlers or riders and those that indicate an empirical length, record a consistent six foot or longer, one indicating a maximum of eight feet.
Three reports indicate
a width of about 24 inches, one at 20 inches.
Since maximum board
width is essentially determined by the width of the paddler's shoulders,
these boards probably fell in the range of 20 to 24 inches.
Two reports indicate
the board is ''thin'' , one as ''flat'' and one notes the
lightweight of the timber.
The latter feature
may indicate the use of willi willi, see below.
The nose is reported
in four accounts as "round", and the tail as "round" in three
accounts.
Samwell's distinct
description of the nose profile as "the similitude the anterior part
bore to the head of that fish (a shark)", resembles some early
examples held by the Bishop Museum.
Ellis implies the
nose and tail have identical profiles, but in the other cases both ends
may be "rounded" but with differrent profiles.
2.12 Gilbert's account contrasts substantially to the other reports yet, as the most detailed, it cannot be discounted.
While the length
conforms to other accounts, the width measurements may be in dispute.
It is difficult
to know whether the 16 inch width ("sixteen inches in breadth at one
end") indicates a measurement at the nose, and the maximum board is
somewhat wider, or 16 inches is the maximum board width.
Certainly the dimensions
("and about 9 at the other") indicate a foiled template which is not
recorded by the other observers.
Gilbert's dimensions
certainly indicate the board in cross-section is convex, at least on one
side if not both.
This feature is
possibly infered by Clerke (3.1) who noted "exactly in the Shape
of one of our bone paper
cutters" (my
emphasis), but is not indicated in the other reports.
A convex cross-section
is a noted feature of many examples of ancient Hawaiian paddles. (see 2.3,
above)
The noteable difference
is the thickness.
Many later reports,
and most known examples, of boards of this length note their thinness,
with measurements of one and a half inches or less. (16)
Gibert's specific
report "four or five inches thick, in the middle, tapering down to an
inch at the sides" , contrasts markedly with (the more the general
term) "thin", as used by Clerke (2.1) and Samwell (2.5).
The difference is
significant and it is hard not to conclude from the sum of the reports
that there are two distinct designs identified.
One design is wide
and thin, the other a narrower and thicker board.
The rationale for two distinct designs may be the result of a number, or a combination, of factors.
i. The specific
chracteristics of a particular tree or piece of timber may determine a
board's dimensions.(2.9)
In this case it
might have been difficult to source trees of desirable width, and the volume
was adjusted by shaping a thicker board.
Alternatively, if
the source timber was a lighter and structually weaker variety than the
common koa (that is willi willi or breadfruit), such a thickness may have
been considered necessary to retain strength.
Furthermore, a lighter
or structually weaker timber may be more susceptible to impregnation by
seawater and a thicker board may have reduced the possibility of wood rot.
ii. board design
may fluctuate with local conditions and/or local precedents. (2.9)
The narrower and
thicker design may have been deemed more suitable to specific wave riding
conditions.
A narrower board
may be more suitable for riding in a prone position, but it is speculation
if the thickness was preferred for waves with a gentle or a steep sloping
face.
Note that some commentators
(17)
have determined thickness (in excess of three inches) as a distinct
feature of the olo board, the largest known design that reportedly extended
to 18 feet in length.
2. Conversation with Scott Carlin, Curator, Vaucluse House, Sydney, March 2006.
3. Ellis,
William : An Authentic Narrative of a Voyage Performed by Captain Cook
and Captain Clerke,
in his Majesty's
Ships Resolution and Discovery, During the Years 1776, 1777, 1778, 1779
and 1780; In Search of a North-West Passage Between the Continents of Asia
and America.
Including a Faithful
Account of all their Discoveries, and the Unfortunate Death of Captain
Cook, Illustrated With a Chart and a Variety of Cuts.
G. Robinson, J.
Sewell and J. Debrett, London.
Two Volumes. 1782.
Page?
Possibly also ...
Ellis, William :
Narrative of a Tour Through Hawaii
H. Fisher &
Son & P. Jackson, London. 1827.
The quotation was
contributed in a personal email by Patrick Moser, Drury University, July
2006.
Sincere thanks to
Patrick Moser for his substantial contribution to this subject.
The publication
details were prepared by Alan Twigg,
http://www.abcbookworld.com/?state=view_author&author_id=4312
4. Quoted
in Dela Vega (ed.)
(2004), Op.cit., page 15.
Note, however, the
quotation omits the final phrase "to an inch at the sides."
The full quotation
was contributed in a personal email by Patrick Moser, Drury University,
July 2006.
Sincere thanks to
Patrick Moser for his substantial contribution to this subject.
The original quotation
is possibly in
Holmes, Christine(editor):
Captain
Cook's Final Voyage: The Journal of Midshipman George Gilbert.
Caliban Books, Horsham,
Sussex.
University of Hawaii
Press. 1982. Page?
5. Gilbert in Dela Vega (ed.) (2004): Op. cit.
6. Douglas (ed.)(1784) : Op.cit., Plate 68.
The full and/or the
detailed image have been extensively reproduced, including:
Beaglehole (ed.)
(1967): Op. cit., Plate/page???
Finney and Houston (1966): Op. cit., Plate 1, between pages 14 and 15.
Margan, Frank and
Finney, Ben R.: A Pictorial History of Surfing
Paul Hamlyn Pty
Ltd, 176 South Creek Road,
Dee Why West, NSW
2099. 1970. pages 20 - 21.
Young, Nat with McGregor,
Craig: The History 0f Surfing
Palm Beach Press,
40 Palm Beach Road,
Palm Beach NSW 2108.
1983. page 33.
Lueras. Leonard:
Surfing
- The Ultimate Pleasure
Workman Publishing
1 West 39 Street
New York, NY 10018. 1984. pages 44 - 45 and 47.
Kampion, Drew:: Stoked
: A History of Surf Culture
General Publishing
Group
Los Angles. 1997.
Second edition 1998. page 32.
Finney and Houston (1996): Op. cit., page 12
De Vega (ed, 2004): Op. cit., page 15.
7. Quoted
in
Aughton, Peter :
The
Fatal Voyage - Captain Cook's Last Journey
Arris Publishing
Ltd. 12 Main Street, Adlestrop, Moreton in Marsh
Gloustershire GL56
0YN. 2005. Pages 146 and 147.
Referenced as "Samwell
page 1164".
8. Beaglehole,
John C. (editor) : The Voyage of the Resolution and Discovery 1776 -
1780.
Cambridge Hakluyt
Society, Two Volumes.
Volume 1, 1967,
page 268.
The quotation is
reprinted in
Finney, Ben and
Houston, James D.: Surfing
– A History of the Ancient Hawaiian Sport.
Pomegranate Books
P.O. Box 6099
Rohnert Park, CA 949271996.
Appendix B. Page
97.
9. Alan Twigg
details the history of the publication of Cook's journals on his web page,
The British Columbia Bookworld Author Bank:
"The British
Admiralty published an edited account of Cook’s voyages in three quarto
volumes and a large atlas in 1784-1785, now generally known as 'A Voyage
to the Pacific Ocean'.
The journals
were heavily edited by Dr. John Douglas, Bishop of Salisbury.
As commissioned
by the Lords of the Admiralty, Douglas embellished much of Cook’s original
journals with material gleaned from Cook’s officers.
In particular,
Douglas extrapolated from Cook’s reports of ritualistic dismemberment among
the Nootka, beginning the belief that the Indians engaged in cannibalism
when Cook had, in fact, described them as “docile, courteous, good-natured
people.”
Some of the more
sensational revelations added to the text were designed to encourage the
spreading of “the blessings of civilization” among the heathens and to
help sell books.
For almost 200
years Douglas’ version of Cook’s writings was erroneously accepted as Cook’s
own.
Cook’s journal,
with its bloody ending supplied by James King, proved popular.
Within three
days of its publication in 1784, the first printing was sold out.
There were five
additional printings that year, plus 14 more by the turn of the century.
Translations
were made throughout Europe.
The original
version of Cook’s journal was edited by J.C. Beaglehole and finally published
for scholars in the 1960s.
It reveals that
Cook was a somewhat dull reporter, more interested in geography than anthropology."
http://www.abcbookworld.com/
10. Cook,
James and King, James: A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean Undertaken by Command
of his Majesty For Making Discoveries in The Northern Hemisphere Performed
Under Captains Cooke, Clerke, Gore in Years 1776, 1777, 1778, and 1780,
being a copious and Satisfactorary Abridgement.
Douglas, Reverend
John (editor)
G. Nicholl and T.
Cadell, London, 1784. pages 145 to 147.
A second edition
compiled by another editor followed.
Cook, James and
King, James: A New, Authentic and Complete Collection of Voyages Round
the World, Undertaken and Performed by Royal Authority. Containing an Authentic,
Entertaining, Full, and Complete History of Capt. Cook's First, Second,
Third and Last Voyages
Anderson, George
William (editor).
(London, 1784-1786).
Several translations
were published, one example being
Neueste Reisebeschreibungen;
oder, Jakob Cook's dritte und letzte Reise . . . in den Jahren 1776 bis
1780. Nuremberg, 1786.
The quotation is
reproduced in
Finney
and Houston (1966): Op. cit., Chapter 3. pages 36-37.
11. Finney and Houston (1996): Op.cit., Footnote, Page 32.
12. Robson,
John: Captain Cook's World - Maps of the life and Voyages of James
Cook R. N.
Random House New
Zealand
18 Polard Road,
Glenfield, Auckland, New Zealand. 2000
Information specifically
relevant to Hawaii is on pages 154 to 155, pages 159 to 160 and the
maps 3.12, 3.23,
3.24 and 3.25.
This is a unique
work with a wealth of information in the form of maps, providing a wonderful
geographical
context to Cook's
voyages that is simply not possible from written accounts.
13. Finney
and Houston (1996):Op. cit., pages 28 to31.
Eight ancient surfing
locations are identified at Waikiki and Honolulu on Oahu (page 30), seven
at Hilo, Hawai'i (page 28).
14."Winter
(November-February)
swells are born from fierce storms in the north and west Pacific.
These powerful
swells generate strong surf along the NORTH, WEST, and EASTERN shorelines.
During summer
months (May-August), waves are generated from storms located in
the south Pacific where winter is in full force.
These warm, blue
swells will cause surf along any shoreline with a southerly exposure."
Wright,
Bank (Wright Jr, Alan B.): Surfing Hawaii
Mountain and Sea
P.O. Box 64 Redondo
Beach, California 90277. 1971 page 9.
![]() |
Wright, Bank (Wright Jr, Alan B.): Surfing Hawaii Mountain and Sea P.O. Box 64 Redondo Beach, California 90277. 1971 page 9. Illustration by Bill Penarosa. |
16. Caton (5.6), circa 1880, specifies "about one and one-half inches thick".
17. Intially identified by David Malo, circa 1840, the extreme thickness was determined as one defining characteristic of the olo board by Blake (1935) and adopted by Finney (1959).
3.1 In the
wake of the success of the publication of Cook's journals in 1884, further
tales of Pacific adventure were in demand.
Archibald Campbell
published an account of his travels that included a reference to surfriding
in Hawaii, circa 1812, briefly describing the board as
3.2 John B. Whitman (possibly) wrote the first account of surfriding at Waikiki (indicated as Honolulu), Oahu, circa 1815, outlining surfboard construction and maintainance.
"The surf board...
is admirably adapted to the purpose for which it is used. ...They are preserved
with the greatest care, as with their crude tools it is an immensity of
labor to make one." (2)
3.3 French naval officier (?), Louis Claude Freycinet recorded prone surfriding in the Hawaiian islands (?), circa 1820.
"When using the board, he holds it in his hands and lies down flat on his stomach, head toward the rounded end, or else he uses his hands like paddles and with his feet directs this sort of a float with astonishing skill and swiftness." (3)
Freycinet's report, while probably inferring the boards were short, only confirms that the nose was round.
3.4
Rev. Charles S. Stewart served in the US Navy and and served as a Christian
Missionary to the Hawaiian Islands, 1823 to 1825. (4)
He was personally
acquainted with Rev. William Ellis, a fellow missionary and reporter of
surfriding activity.(5)
See below.
His surfboard description
is taken from an entry dated 24th January 1825 and located at Lahaina,Maui.
(6)
... a plank of light wood, eight or ten feet long, two feet broad, decreasing to a sharp edge at the sides and ends, which are rounded, and having the whole surface finely polished, is necessary; and forms an article of personal property among all the chiefs, male and female, and among many of the common people." (7)
Stewart's estimation
of width ("two feet broad" ) and the
weight ("light wood"), and description the rail profile ("a sharp
edge at the sides and ends") have precedents, however the length
is significantly longer than in any of the previous reports.
This is the first
report of the board as "having the whole surface finely polished".
The fine polished
finish was a noted feature of ancient Hawaiian canoes.
This was achieved
by fine sanding with selected stones and corals. and sealed with a variety
of organic paints, generally called pa'ele. (8)
While the dimensions
would appear to indicate that the boards were potentially suitable for
standing surfriding, there is some difficulty in determing the postion
of the riders as reported by Stewart:
"with the
arms and feet skillfully keep their poise in the swell, so as not to be
sufficiently forward to be
overwhelmed
by its combing, nor so far behind as to lose its impetus" (9)
The phrase "with
the arms and feet skillfully keep their poise" could equally be interpreted
to descibe prone or standing surfriding.
3.5 Rev. William Ellis's highly detailed descripton is congruent with Stewart's, circa 1825, but there are significant differences probably due to observations at different locations, in this case from the large island, Hawai'i.(10)
"a board, which
they call papa hi naru [papa he'e nalu], (wave sliding-board,) generally
five or six feet long, and rather more than a foot wide, sometimes flat,
but more frequently slightly convex on both sides.
It is usually
made of the wood of the erythrina, stained quite black, and preserved with
great care. (11)
The length ("generally
five or six feet ") and rail shape ("sometimes flat, but more frequently
slightly convex on both sides") are similar to the previous reports
from Cook's crew and the width ("rather more than a foot" ) is probably
at least 18 inches.
Athough these dimensions
may appear to indicate a "small" board, Ellis cleary reports the boards
were capable of being ridden in a standing position, presumably by adults.
"Those who
are expert frequently change their position on the board, sometimes sitting
and
sometimes
standing erect in the midst of the foam."(12)
This is the first
report confirming the wood used for board construction, in this case willi
willi ("erythrina "), the perferred timber for outrigger floats,
or ama. (13)
Noted for its light
weight, willi willi may have been the wood used for board construction
as described by Ellis's namesake in 1769 (2.2, above).
Also, the board is
described as "stained quite black".
The dark stain was
a feature of ancient Hawaiian canoes that sealed the wood with a paint
produced from a variety of organic products, generally called pa'ele.(14)
Of particular significance is the report of the indegenous name, "papa hi naru [papa he'e nalu], (wave sliding-board)", which in translation srongly infers the actvity entails the angling of the board on the wave face.
Elli's account further reports the neccessity to dry the board after use and the application of oil, possibly to prevent the timber splitting and probably to act as a water repellent when next immersed.
"After using,
it is placed in the sun till perfectly dry, when it is rubbed-over with
cocoa-nut oil, frequently wrapped in cloth, and suspended in some part
of their dwelling-house."
(15)
3.6
Captain Byron, of H.M.S. Blonde, witnessed surf-riding at Hilo,
Hawai'i in 1825 and commented on the status of surfboards in Hawaiian culture.
"...to
have a neat floatboard, well-kept, and dried, is to a Sandwich Islander
what a tilbury or cabriolet, or whatever ligh!t carriage may be in fashion
is to a young English man." (16)
His report is consistent with Ellis's (4.3) account that the boards are "neat .., well-kept, and dried".
3.7 Dutchman, Frank J. A. Broeze, visited Hawaii circa 1828 and wrote of the the natives familarity with the ocean from their earliest years and their subsequent exposure to the use of surfboards. use
"Thus the children
become daily accustomed to stay in Neptune's element...
Finally, when
the child has learned to walk, he is given a plank, like a rectangular
shield.
He goes into
the water with it, farther and farther away from the shore." (17)
Broeze' description
of "a plank, like a rectangular shield" is difficult to interpret.
The use of "shield"
may be intended to convey the approximate dimensions, the ratio of length
and width, or some other feature of the board.
3.6 Theodore Adolphe Barrot (1803-1870) visited Hawaii in 1836 and recorded a instance of female surfriding, possibly at Kealaleakua Bay, Hawai'i.
"the entire female population of Kealaleakua assembled to bathe... Then they plunged thence entirely naked, into the waves which were breaking upon the shore; a plank, six or eight feet in length, and pointed at one end, enabled them to sustain themselves on the crest of the waves. It was indeed, a singular picture..." (18)
The description of board length ("six or eight feet") is familar from earlier reports, however this is one of the earliest report of a pin nose ("pointed at one end"), possibly indicating a nose profile similar to Elli's (2.2) "sharkboard".
3.8 Walter Colton (1797-1851), an American naval officer (?), recorded royal surfriding at Honolulu (?) in his dairy, the entry dated 19th June 1846.
"Nothing here has amused me more than the surfsports of the young chiefs. Each takes a smooth board, of some eight feet in length" (19)
Reminisent of Gilbert's account (2.2), Coulton records attempts by visitors to replicate native surfriding skills, with litle success.
"A young American, who was among them, not liking to be outdone in a sport which seemed so simple, thought he would try the board and billow. He ventured out a short distance, watched his opportunity; and, as the roller came, jumped upon his plank, was capsized, and have, half strangled, on the beach." (20)
3.9 From the same location and in the same year (Waikiki,1846), Chester S Lyman also reported surfriding activity in his travel diary .
"Rode to Waititi
(Waikiki) 3 miles where there is fine bathing in the surf.
The premises
there are in the hands of the chiefs.
Near the beach
are fine groves of coconut trees, & Kou trees, also several thatched
houses one of which is occupied by the young Chiefs as a dressing apartment
while bathing.
They have
an attendant on the grounds.
... The young
chiefs are all provided with surfboards, which are kept in the house above
mentioned. They are from 12 to 20 feet long, 1ft wide, & in the middle
5 or 6 inches thick, thinning towards the sides & ends so as to form
an edge.
Some of these
have been handed down in the royal family for years, as this is the royal
bathing place. None of these belonging to Kamehameha 1st (d. 1819)
are now left, but one used by Kaahumanu (Regent 1824-1832)
& others belonging to other distinguished Chiefs & premiers
are daily used by the boys, & on one of them (Kaahumanu's I believe)
I had the pleasure of taking a surf ride towards the beach in the native
style.
Tho' the motion
is swift it is very pleasant & by no means dangerous unless the surf
be strong." (21)
Lyman describes what
is usually know as an Olo board, makes the earliest assocciation between
this design and Hawaiian royalty and identies Waikiki as a royal surfing
location.
2.
Whitman, John B.: An Account of the Sandwich Islands: the Hawaiian Journal
of John B.Whitman, 1813-1815.
Honolulu: Topgallant
Pub. Co.; Salem: Peabody Museum of Salem, 1979. pages 57-58.
Quoted in DelaVega
(ed, 2004): Op. cit., page 22.
3.
Freycinet, Louis Claude de Sau1ses De (1779-1842)
A46- Voyage autour
du monde [microform].. entrepris par ordre du roi, exe- cute sur les corvettes
dR S.M. L'Uranie et In Physicienne pendant les annees 1817,1818, 1819 et
1820 (Voyage around the World Undertaken by Order ofdle King, PerfOnIled
on
His Majesty's
Sloops L'Uranie and L'Physicienne in the yean; 1817, 1818, 1819,cafi'
7 Vol. (Paris: Olez
Pillet alne, 1825) vol. 2, part 2, bk4. ch. xxvn, pages 517-516j2.
Engravingby A. Pellion
'The houses of Chief Kraimokou, Prime Minister of the King" Kailua,
on page 9).
Quoted in DelaVega
(ed, 2004): Op. cit., page 22.
4.
Charles Stewart's cultural and religous perspective is possibly indicated
by his comments on Hawaii in "The Advertisement" (1839 edition).
Page ? ...
"It is yet scarce
twenty years since the American churces first projected the enterprise
of introducing the blessings of Christianty and civilization to that people
- then a nation of open and gross idolators, degraded not only by all the
pollutions of paganism, but doubly cursed with vices and scourges of destruction,
imported and widely spread through the population by dissolute and reckless
visiters from Europe and America."
5.
"Stewart ... was personally acquainted with Rev. William Ellis."
Stewart's work includes
an account in Chapter XI of "A Visit to Mr. and Mrs. Ellis",
Pages 232-233?
The Fifth Edition
(Enlarged) of 1839 includes an "Inroduction by the Rev.
William Ellis, from the London Edition' and is dedicated to "the
Honorable Samuel L. Southard, Secretary to the Navy, etc, etc."
Stewart was probably
aware of Ellis' work (which also includes an account of surfriding) and
both authors were published by the same London company.
The two accounts
have some similarities, see Ellis
(1831).
6. Finney and Houston (1999) note four located (and two unlocated) ancient surf breaks at Lahaina, Maui, page 30.
7.
Stewart, Charles Samuel: A Journal of Residence in the Sandwich
Islands during the Years 1823, 1924 and 1825.
Fisher, Son and
Jackson, London, 1829.
Chapter 10, Sports
of the Surf, Pages 196 to 197.
Reproduced in
Quoted in DelaVega
(ed, 2004): Op. cit., Pages 27 to 28.
8.
Holmes, Tommy: The Hawaiian Canoe - Second Edition
Editions Limited,
PO Box 10558 Honolulu, Hawaii 96816.
First Edition 1981.
Second Edition 1993. Second Printing 1996. page 40.
9. Stewart, Charles Samuel: Op.cit.
10.
Ellis records the location of his observations as Waimanu , Hawai'i.
Finney
and Houston (1999), pages 28 and 29, locate Waimanu ("bird -
water") on the north coast of the large island, Hawai'i in their list
of ancient surfriding breaks.
11.
Ellis, Rev. William: Polynesian Researches, During a Residence of Nearly
Eight Years in the Society and Sandwich Islands, Volumes I to IV..
Fisher, Son and
Jackson, London, 1831. Pages 368 to 372.
Reproduced in
Finney, Ben and
Houston, James D. : Surfing – A History of the Ancient Hawaiian Sport.
1996.
Appendix C. Pages
98 to 99.
12. Ellis, Rev. William: Op. cit.
13.
"wili wili. 2. n. A Hawaiian leguminous tree ('Erythrina sandwicensis',
formerly called 'E. monosperma'), found on dry coral plains and on lava
flows, somewhat spiny, with short thick trunk.
<...>
The wood is very
light and formerly was used for surfboards, canoe outriggers, net floats."
Pukui, Mary Kawena
and Elbert, Samuel H.:Hawaiian Dictionary
University of Hawaii
Press, Honolulu. 1986 page 385.
14. Holmes, Tommy: Op. cit., page 41.
15. Ellis, Rev. William: Op. cit.
16.
Byron, the Rt. Hon. Lord (1789-1868): Voyage of the 'H.M.S. Blonde'
to the Sandwich Islands in the years 1825-26.
London: J. Murray,
1826. pages 97 and 166.
Quoted in DelaVega
(ed, 2004): Op. cit., Pages 27 to 28.
17.
Barrot,
Theodore Adolphe (1803-1870):"Les Iles Sandwich"
Revue des
deux mondes (a French magazine)
August 1, 15, 1839.
Later reprinted
in a translated version as
"Visit of
the French Sloop of War 'Bonite', to the Sandwich Islands, in 1836."
The Friend
Serialized Jan.-Nov.,1850.
16. Broeze,
Frank J. A.: Voyage to the East and West Coast of South America and
thence to the Sandwich and Philippine Islands, China, etc.; done in the
years 1826-1829 (
Amsterdam, Holland:
1835-6) ch. 21. Original in Dutch.
"Thus the children
become daily accustomed to stay in Neptune's element... Finally, when the
child has learned to walk, he is given a plank, like a rectangular shield.
He goes into the water with it, farther and farther away from the shore."
Quoted in DelaVega
(ed, 2004): Op. cit., page 19.
18. 1846
Walter Colton
(1797-1851): Deck and port, 01; Incidents of a cruise in the United
States Frigate Congress
to California..
with sketches of Rio de Janeiro, Valparaiso, Lima, Honolulu, and San Francisco
NY: A.S. Barnes
& Co.; Cincinnati: H.W. Derby & Co., 1850)
Notes of 6/19/1846,
pages 352-353.
Quoted in DelaVega
(ed, 2004): Op. cit., page 19?
20. Lyman,
Chester S. (1814-1890):Around The Horn To The Sandwich Islands And California
1845 -1850.
New Haven: Yale
University Press 1924) Chapter II, page 73.
Travel diary in
1846 notes.
Quoted in DelaVega
(ed, 2004): Op. cit., page 22
3.1 One of
the earliest 19th century desciptions of a Hawaiian surfboard is an illustration
by Jacques Arago,
"The Houses of Kraimokou, circa 1819", who visited
the Hawaiian Islands when circumnavigating the world 1817 to 1820. (1)
A wonderfully detailed
illustration of Hawaiian dwelling with the chief in ceremonial dress and
his wife beating
tapa cloth, a large
Olo board takes a central position in the drawing and presumably a similar
culutural position.
Given the scale of
the illustration, the board is approximately 15 feet long, 20 inches wide
and, less accuarately, three inches thick.
The template is
foiled with a round nose and square tail, the later possibly indicating
a convex bottom profile.
While the rails
appear square, this possiblly is an artistic compromise to give the board
perspective.
The print, below,
shows the board constructed from a light-toned timber, perhaps indicating
willi willi rather than the significantly darker koa wood.
![]() |
Engraving by Alphonse Pellion: "The Houses of Kraimokou", circa 1819. (2) Finney and Houston (1996) Page 37.. First image of an Olo board. |
The buildings closely
resemble a house initally drawn by John Webber in 1779 titled "An Offering
before Capt Cook in the Sandwich Ilses".
An engraving, based
on the drawing by S. Middleman and J. Hall, was included in Cook's
published journals in 1884. (4)
![]() |
"Wahine, Hawaii", circa 1819. (4) Finney and Houston (1996) Page 38.
|
3.3 Ellis's
published account (4.1) included a drawing by F. Howard, titled "Sandwich
Island Surf-riders", circa 1830. (6)
Although it is probably
the first reported Western image of standing surfriding, correctly identifying
the stance, the depiction of the boards is crude and they appear, given
modern surfriding experience, to be too small for succesful riding.
![]() |
"Sandwich Island Surf-riders", circa 1830. (7) Finney and Houston (1996) Frontpiece. The first reported
Western image of surf-riding,
|
![]() |
"Sandwich Islanders Playing in the Surf, circa 1841." (9) .Lueras (1984) Page 39. First image by the
same writer
|
Of the two, E. Riou's
(1833-1900) "Jeux Havaiens"
(Hawaiians playing) is a wide seascape
that views the boards from a considerable distance. (12)
Leuras (1984) page
52, notes that that the illustration has "a Tahiti-like backdrop"and
there are several standing riders apparently riding away from the beach.
There are some similarities
with Howard (1830), particually the attire.
At best, the boards
could be estimated as flat, six feet long and 20 inches wide.
![]() |
"Jeux Havaiens" (Hawaiians playing), circa 1873. (13) Lueras (1984) Page 53. Probably reconstructed
from reports
|
![]() |
"Jeux Havaiens" (Hawaiians playing), circa 1873. (15) DelaVega (ed, 2004) Page17. Probably reconstructed from reports or sketches. |
1819 |
1819 |
1830 |
1871 |
1871 |
1873 |
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Design |
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Length |
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Width |
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Template |
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Nose |
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De Rienzi, Domeny
(1789-1843) & Gregoire Louis
Oceanie; au cinquieme
partie du monde revue geogrophique et ethnogrophique de la Malaisie, de
la Micronesie, de la Polynesie et de la Melanesie; offrant les resultats
des
voyages et des decouvertes de l'auteur et de ses devanciers, ainsi que
ses nouvelles classifications et divisions de ces con trees (The Universe,
History
and Description,
of All the People) 3 Volumes (Paris: Firmin Didot 1836-7) vol. 2, plate
115. "Habitations" Image of house and surfboard (See next page bottom).
French cultural anthropology book. No surfing content.
DelaVega page16
2. Finney
and Houston (1996) Page 37.
The image, in various
sizes and/or cropped versions, has been reproduced in many surfing books.
Finney
and Houston (1966) Plate 12.
Margan
and Finney (1971) Page 19
Nat's
History (1983) Page 33 Badly cropped.
Lueras
(1984) Page 35. Colourised, see below.
Kampion
: Stoked (1997) Page 31. Credited as "Kraimoku Homestead"
by Villroy. Bishop Museum.
Dela
Vega (ed, 2004) page 20.
3. Jacques
Arago (Engraving : ?) : "Wahine, Hawaii, circa 1819."
First printing
in :Arago, Jacques : Recollections of a Blind Man
An account of a
tour around the world, circa 1820.
4. Beaglehole,
J.C.: The Life of James Cook
Stanford University
Press Stanford, California. 1974.
Original publisher
: A. & C. Black, Ltd. London, 1974.
Plate 41, between
pages 672 and 673.
4. Finney
and Houston (1996) Page 38.
Various resized
and/or cropped versions are also printed in
Finney
and Houston (1966) Page 43, Figure 5.
Margan
and Finney (1971) Page 19.
5.The fascination
with the naked female breast can be, perhaps, assessed by a desciption
of a young aboriginal woman by Watkin Tench, a British Army officer posted
to the initial occupation of Australia at Sydney Cove in 1788.
"She excelled
in beauty all their females I ever saw.
Her age about
eighteen, the firmness, the symmetry and the luxuriancy of her bosom might
have tempted painting to copy its charms."
http://etext.library.adelaide.edu.au/t/tench/watkin/settlement/chapter17.html
Rendered into HTML
on Mon Nov 3 09:50:03 2003, by Steve Thomas for
The University of
Adelaide Library Electronic Texts Collection.
6. F. Howard
: "Sandwich Island Surf-riders", circa 1830.
Etching by W. Finden.
First published
... Rev. William Ellis
: Polynesian Researches, During a Residence of Nearly Eighty Years in the
Society and Sandwich Islands, Volumes I to IV..
Fisher, Son and
Jackson, London, 1831. Title page to Volume IV (?)
The first reported
Western image of surf-riding, it correctly identifies stance.
The "Sandwich Islands" was the name originally given to the Hawaiian Islands by Cook, for a patron, Lord Sandwich (as in the "invention" of a piece of meat between two slices of bread) and was used up to the late19th century.
7. Finney
and Houston (1996) Frontpiece.
Various resized
and/or cropped versions are also printed in
Finney
and Houston (1966) Frontpiece. A particually poor reproduction,
unlike the other images in this book.
George
(1990) Page 21.
Dela
Vega (ed, 2004) Pages 18 -19
8. Francis
Olmsted (drawing) : "Sandwich Islanders Playing in the Surf",
circa
1841.
Lithograph by Endicott,
New York.
First printing ...
Francis Olmsted, F.A. : Incidents of a Whaling Voyage...
Appleton and Co.,
NY, 1841. Page 222 or 223.
First image by the
same writer and artist.
9. Lueras
(1984) Page 39.
Various resized
and/or cropped versions are also printed in
Nat's
History (1983) Page 33
Dela
Vega (ed, 2004) page 24.
10. de Varigny,
Charles: "Quatorze Ans Aux Iles Sandwich (Iles Havai)" (Fourteen years
in the Sandwich Islands)
Le Tour du Monde
Volume II, 1873, Pages 224, 237and 238.
Reproduced in Dela
Vega (ed, 2004) Page17.
11. I have been unable to locate any record of Bayard or Riou, the illustrators of "Voyage Aux Iles Sandwich (Iles Havai)", visiting the Hawaiian Islands.
12. E. Riou
: "Jeux Havaiens" (Hawaiians playing), circa 1873.
The first
printing acompanied
de Varigny, Charles
: "Voyage Aux Iles
Sandwich (Iles Havai)"
Le Tour du Monde
(A French magazine) Volume II, 1873, Pages 224,237 or 238.
13. Lueras
(1984) Page 53.
Various resized
and/or cropped versions are also printed in
George
(1990) Pages 12 -13
Kampion
(1997) Page 42 - 13 (cropped).
14. Emile
Bayard : "Jeux Havaiens" (Hawaiians playing), circa 1873.
The first
printing acompanied
de Varigny, Charles
: "Voyage Aux Iles
Sandwich (Iles Havai)"
Le Tour du Monde
(A French magazine) Volume II, 1873, Pages 224,237 or 238.
15. DelaVega
(ed, 2004) Page17.
Various resized
and/or cropped versions are also printed in
Finney
and Houston (1996) Page 20
Margan
and Finney (1971) Page 14.
20. Knox,
Thomas W. (1835-1896) :The Boy Travellers in Australasia.
Adventures of
Two Youths in a Journey to the Sandwich, Marquesas, Sociey, Samoan and
Feejee
Islands and Through
the Colonies of New Zealand, New South Wales, Queensland, Victoria,
Tasmania and
South Australia.
New York Harper
& Brothers 1889.
Harper & Brothers
Publishers, 1902.
Charles Tuttle Co,
Rutland, Vermont & Tokyo, Japan. reprinted1971.
Paul Flesch &
Company, Melbourne.1971 pages ???
20
4. POST CONTACT REPORTS OF HAWAIIAN SURFBOARDS
: EARLY 19th CENTURY.
European visitors
to the Hawaiian Islands in the early 19th century were mostly naval personnel,
Christian missionaries, whalers or traders in seal skins or sandalwood.
.
By the end of the
century, as Hawaii was beginning to build its reputation as a tourist destination,
the indigenous culture had all but disappeared.
4.1 In the
wake of the success of the publication of Cook's journals in 1884, further
tales of Pacific adventure were in demand.
Archibald Campbell
published an account of his travels that included a reference to surfriding
in Hawaii, circa 1812, briefly describing the board as
4.2 John B. Whitman (possibly) wrote the first account of surfriding at Waikiki (indicated as Honolulu), Oahu, circa 1815, outlining surfboard construction and maintainance.
"The surf board...
is admirably adapted to the purpose for which it is used. ...They are preserved
with the greatest care, as with their crude tools it is an immensity of
labor to make one." (2)
4.3 French naval officier (?), Louis Claude Freycinet recorded prone surfriding in the Hawaiian islands (?), circa 1820.
"When using the board, he holds it in his hands and lies down flat on his stomach, head toward the rounded end, or else he uses his hands like paddles and with his feet directs this sort of a float with astonishing skill and swiftness." (3)
Freycinet's report, while probably inferring the boards were short, only confirms that the nose was round.
4.4 Rev. Charles
S. Stewart served in the US Navy and and served as a Christian Missionary
to the Hawaiian Islands, 1823 to 1825. (4)
He was personally
acquainted with Rev. William Ellis, a fellow missionary and reporter of
surfriding activity.(2)
See below.
His surfboard description
is taken from an entry dated 24th January 1825 and located at Lahaina,Maui.
(3)
... a plank of light wood, eight or ten feet long, two feet broad, decreasing to a sharp edge at the sides and ends, which are rounded, and having the whole surface finely polished, is necessary; and forms an article of personal property among all the chiefs, male and female, and among many of the common people." (5)
Stewart's estimation
of width ("two feet broad" ) and the
weight ("light wood"), and description the rail profile ("a sharp
edge at the sides and ends") have precedents, however the length
is significantly longer than in any of the previous reports.
This is the first
report of the board as "having the whole surface finely polished".
The fine polished
finish was a noted feature of ancient Hawaiian canoes.
This was achieved
by fine sanding with selected stones and corals. and sealed with a variety
of organic paints, generally called pa'ele. (6)
While the dimensions
would appear to indicate that the boards were potentially suitable for
standing surfriding, there is some difficulty in determing the postion
of the riders as reported by Stewart:
"with the
arms and feet skillfully keep their poise in the swell, so as not to be
sufficiently forward to be
overwhelmed
by its combing, nor so far behind as to lose its impetus" (7)
The phrase "with
the arms and feet skillfully keep their poise" could equally be interpreted
to descibe prone or standing surfriding.
4.5 Rev. William Ellis's highly detailed descripton is congruent with Stewart's, circa 1825, but there are significant differences probably due to observations at different locations, in this case from the large island, Hawai'i.(8)
"a board, which
they call papa hi naru [papa he'e nalu], (wave sliding-board,) generally
five or six feet long, and rather more than a foot wide, sometimes flat,
but more frequently slightly convex on both sides.
It is usually
made of the wood of the erythrina, stained quite black, and preserved with
great care. (9)
The length ("generally
five or six feet ") and rail shape ("sometimes flat, but more frequently
slightly convex on both sides") are similar to the previous reports
from Cook's crew and the width ("rather more than a foot" ) is probably
at least 18 inches.
Athough these dimensions
may appear to indicate a "small" board, Ellis cleary reports the boards
were capable of being ridden in a standing position, presumably by adults.
"Those who
are expert frequently change their position on the board, sometimes sitting
and
sometimes
standing erect in the midst of the foam."(10)
This is the first
report confirming the wood used for board construction, in this case willi
willi ("erythrina "), the perferred timber for outrigger floats,
or ama. (11)
Noted for its light
weight, willi willi may have been the wood used for board construction
as described by Ellis's namesake in 1769 (2.2, above).
Also, the board is
described as "stained quite black".
The dark stain was
a feature of ancient Hawaiian canoes that sealed the wood with a paint
produced from a variety of organic products, generally called pa'ele.(12)
Of particular significance is the report of the indegenous name, "papa hi naru [papa he'e nalu], (wave sliding-board)", which in translation srongly infers the actvity entails the angling of the board on the wave face.
Elli's account further reports the neccessity to dry the board after use and the application of oil, possibly to prevent the timber splitting and probably to act as a water repellent when next immersed.
"After using,
it is placed in the sun till perfectly dry, when it is rubbed-over with
cocoa-nut oil, frequently wrapped in cloth, and suspended in some part
of their dwelling-house."
(13)
4.6 Captain
Byron, of 'H.M.S. Blonde', witnessed surf-riding at Hilo, Hawai'i in 1825
and commented on the status of surfboards in Hawaiian culture.
"...to
have a neat floatboard, well-kept, and dried, is to a Sandwich Islander
what a tilbury or cabriolet, or whatever ligh!t carriage may be in fashion
is to a young English man." (13)
His report is consistent with Ellis's (4.3) account that the boards are "neat .., well-kept, and dried".
4.7 Dutchman, Frank J. A. Broeze, visited Hawaii circa 1828 and wrote of the the natives familarity with the ocean from their earliest years and their subsequent exposure to the use of surfboards. use
"Thus the children
become daily accustomed to stay in Neptune's element...
Finally, when
the child has learned to walk, he is given a plank, like a rectangular
shield.
He goes into
the water with it, farther and farther away from the shore." (14)
Broeze' description
of "a plank, like a rectangular shield" is difficult to interpret.
The use of "shield"
may be intended to convey the approximate dimensions, the ratio of length
and width, or some other feature of the board.
4.6 Theodore Adolphe Barrot (1803-1870) visited Hawaii in 1836 and recorded a instance of female surfriding, possibly at Kealaleakua Bay, Hawai'i.
"the entire female population of Kealaleakua assembled to bathe... Then they plunged thence entirely naked, into the waves which were breaking upon the shore; a plank, six or eight feet in length, and pointed at one end, enabled them to sustain themselves on the crest of the waves. It was indeed, a singular picture..." (15)
The description of board length ("six or eight feet") is familar from earlier reports, however this is one of the earliest report of a pin nose ("pointed at one end"), possibly indicating a nose profile similar to Elli's (2.2) "sharkboard".
4.8 Walter Colton (1797-1851), an American naval officer (?), recorded royal surfriding at Honolulu (?) in his dairy, the entry dated 19th June 1846.
"Nothing here has amused me more than the surfsports of the young chiefs. Each takes a smooth board, of some eight feet in length" (17)
Reminisent of Gilbert's account (2.2), Coulton records attempts by visitors to replicate native surfriding skills, with litle success.
"A young American, who was among them, not liking to be outdone in a sport which seemed so simple, thought he would try the board and billow. He ventured out a short distance, watched his opportunity; and, as the roller came, jumped upon his plank, was capsized, and have, half strangled, on the beach." (18)
4.9 From the same location and in the same year (Waikiki,1846), Chester S Lyman also reported surfriding activity in his travel diary .
"Rode to Waititi
(Waikiki) 3 miles where there is fine bathing in the surf. The premises
there are in the hands of the chiefs. Near the beach are fine groves of
coconut trees, & Kou trees, also several thatched houses one of which
is occupied by the young Chiefs as a dressing apartment while bathing.
They have an attendant on the grounds."
"... The young
chiefs are all provided with surfboards, which are kept in the house above
mentioned. They are from 12 to 20 feet long, 1ft wide, & in the middle
5 or 6 inches thick, thinning towards the sides & ends so as to form
an edge."
"Some of these
have been handed down in the royal family for years, as this is the royal
bathing place. None of these belonging to Kamehameha 1st (d. 1819) are
now left, but one used by Kaahumanu (Regent 1824-1832) & others belonging
to other distinguished Chiefs & premiers are daily used by the boys,
& on one of them (Kaahumanu's I believe) I had the pleasure of taking
a surf ride towards the beach in the native style. Tho' the motion is swift
it is very pleasant & by no means dangerous unless the surf be strong."
(20)
2. Whitman,
John B.: An Account of the Sandwich Islands: the Hawaiian Journal of
John B.Whitman, 1813-1815.
Honolulu: Topgallant
Pub. Co.; Salem: Peabody Museum of Salem, 1979. pages 57-58.
Quoted in DelaVega
(ed, 2004): Op. cit., page 22.
3. Freycinet,
Louis Claude de Sau1ses De (1779-1842)
A46- Voyage autour
du monde [microform].. entrepris par ordre du roi, exe- cute sur les corvettes
dR S.M. L'Uranie et In Physicienne pendant les annees 1817,1818, 1819 et
1820 (Voyage around the World Undertaken by Order ofdle King, PerfOnIled
on
His Majesty's
Sloops L'Uranie and L'Physicienne in the yean; 1817, 1818, 1819,cafi'
7 Vol. (Paris: Olez
Pillet alne, 1825) vol. 2, part 2, bk4. ch. xxvn, pages 517-516j2.
Engravingby A. Pellion
'The houses of Chief Kraimokou, Prime Minister of the King" Kailua,
on page 9).
Quoted in DelaVega
(ed, 2004): Op. cit., page 22.
4. Charles
Stewart's cultural and religous perspective is possibly indicated by his
comments on Hawaii in "The Advertisement" (1839 edition). Page ?
...
"It is yet scarce
twenty years since the American churces first projected the enterprise
of introducing the blessings of Christianty and civilization to that people
- then a nation of open and gross idolators, degraded not only by all the
pollutions of paganism, but doubly cursed with vices and scourges of destruction,
imported and widely spread through the population by dissolute and reckless
visiters from Europe and America."
5.
"Stewart ... was personally acquainted with Rev. William Ellis."
Stewart's work includes
an account in Chapter XI of "A Visit to Mr. and Mrs. Ellis",
Pages 232-233?
The Fifth Edition
(Enlarged) of 1839 includes an "Inroduction by the Rev.
William Ellis, from the London Edition' and is dedicated to "the
Honorable Samuel L. Southard, Secretary to the Navy, etc, etc."
Stewart was probably
aware of Ellis' work (which also includes an account of surfriding) and
both authors were published by the same London company.
The two accounts
have some similarities, see Ellis
(1831).
6. Finney and Houston (1999) note four located (and two unlocated) ancient surf breaks at Lahaina, Maui, page 30.
7. Stewart,
Charles Samuel: A Journal of Residence in the Sandwich Islands during
the Years 1823, 1924 and 1825.
Fisher, Son and
Jackson, London, 1829.
Chapter 10, Sports
of the Surf, Pages 196 to 197.
Reproduced in
Quoted in DelaVega
(ed, 2004): Op. cit., Pages 27 to 28.
8. Holmes,
Tommy: The Hawaiian Canoe - Second Edition
Editions Limited,
PO Box 10558 Honolulu, Hawaii 96816.
First Edition 1981.
Second Edition 1993. Second Printing 1996. page 40.
9. Stewart, Charles Samuel: Op.cit.
10. Ellis
records the location of his observations as Waimanu , Hawai'i.
Finney
and Houston (1999), pages 28 and 29, locate Waimanu ("bird -
water") on the north coast of the large island, Hawai'i in their list
of ancient surfriding breaks.
11. Ellis,
Rev. William: Polynesian Researches, During a Residence of Nearly Eight
Years in the Society and Sandwich Islands, Volumes I to IV..
Fisher, Son and
Jackson, London, 1831. Pages 368 to 372.
Reproduced in
Finney, Ben and
Houston, James D. : Surfing – A History of the Ancient Hawaiian Sport.
1996.
Appendix C. Pages
98 to 99.
12. Ellis, Rev. William: Op. cit.
13.
"wili wili. 2. n. A Hawaiian leguminous tree ('Erythrina sandwicensis',
formerly called 'E. monosperma'), found on dry coral plains and on lava
flows, somewhat spiny, with short thick trunk.
<...>
The wood is very
light and formerly was used for surfboards, canoe outriggers, net floats."
Pukui, Mary Kawena
and Elbert, Samuel H.:Hawaiian Dictionary
University of Hawaii
Press, Honolulu. 1986 page 385.
14. Holmes, Tommy: Op. cit., page 41.
15. Ellis, Rev. William: Op. cit.
16.
Byron, the Rt. Hon. Lord (1789-1868): Voyage of the 'H.M.S. Blonde'
to the Sandwich Islands in the years 1825-26.
London: J. Murray,
1826. pages 97 and 166.
Quoted in DelaVega
(ed, 2004): Op. cit., Pages 27 to 28.
15. Barrot,
Theodore Adolphe (1803-1870):"Les Iles Sandwich"
Revue des
deux mondes (a French magazine)
August 1, 15, 1839.
Later reprinted
in a translated version as
"Visit of
the French Sloop of War 'Bonite', to the Sandwich Islands, in 1836."
The Friend
Serialized Jan.-Nov.,1850.
16. Broeze,
Frank J. A.: Voyage to the East and West Coast of South America and
thence to the Sandwich and Philippine Islands, China, etc.; done in the
years 1826-1829 (
Amsterdam, Holland:
1835-6) ch. 21. Original in Dutch.
"Thus the children
become daily accustomed to stay in Neptune's element... Finally, when the
child has learned to walk, he is given a plank, like a rectangular shield.
He goes into the water with it, farther and farther away from the shore."
Quoted in DelaVega
(ed, 2004): Op. cit., page 19.
18. 1846
Walter Colton
(1797-1851): Deck and port, 01; Incidents of a cruise in the United
States Frigate Congress
to California..
with sketches of Rio de Janeiro, Valparaiso, Lima, Honolulu, and San Francisco
NY: A.S. Barnes
& Co.; Cincinnati: H.W. Derby & Co., 1850)
Notes of 6/19/1846,
pages 352-353.
Quoted in DelaVega
(ed, 2004): Op. cit., page 19?
20. Lyman,
Chester S. (1814-1890):Around The Horn To The Sandwich Islands And California
1845 -1850.
New Haven: Yale
University Press 1924) Chapter II, page 73.
Travel diary in
1846 notes.
Quoted in DelaVega
(ed, 2004): Op. cit., page 22
xxx
1812xxxx
Campbell, Archibald
1787- I".'. ".' \
A20- A voyage round
the world, from 1806 to 1812; inwhichJapim, Kamschl1tkii, 1 the Aleutian
Islands, and the Sandwich Islands were visited; including alnamitive of
the 1 author's shipwreck on the island of Sarmack, and his subsequent wreck
in the ship's long-boat; with an account of the present state of the Sandwich
islands, and a vtJt:abulary of their, language (Edinburgh: A. Constable
& Co., 1816) pp. 145-6 \ j
,
"From the earliest
years, the natives spend much of their time in the water... that ..! they
seem as much at their ease in that element as on land; they after swim
several i miles off to ships, sometimes resting upon a plank shaped like
an ancfor stock... "
Dela Vega p 19
xxx
xxx1850
Lyman, Chester S.
1814-1890
A61- Around The
Horn To The Sandwich Islands And California 1845 -1850 (
New Haven: Yale
University Press 1924) ch. II, pp. 73. Travel diary in 1846 notes.
"Rode to Waititi
(Waikiki) 3 miles where there is fine bathing in the surf. The premises
there are in the hands of the chiefs. Near the beach are fine groves of
coconut trees, & Kou trees, also several thatched houses one of which
is occupied by the young Chiefs as a dressing apartment while bathing.
They have an attendant on the grounds."
"... The young chiefs
are all provided with surfboards, which are kept in the house above mentioned.
They are from 12 to 20 feet long, 1ft wide, & in the middle 5 or 6
inches thick, thinning towards the sides & ends so as to form an edge."
"Some of these have
been handed down in the royal family for years, as this is the royal bathing
place. None of these belonging to Kamehameha 1st (d. 1819) are now left,
but one used by Kaahumanu (Regent 1824-1832) & others belonging to
other distinguished Chiefs & premiers are daily used by the boys, &
on one of them (Kaahumanu's I believe) I had the pleasure of taking a surf
ride towards the beach in the native style. Tho' the motion is swift it
is very pleasant & by no means dangerous unless the surf be strong."
Dela Vega p22
1815
Whitman, John B.
A93- An Account
of the Sandwich Islands: the Hawaiian Journal of John B.
Whitman, 1813-1815
(Honolulu: Topgallant Pub. Co.; Salem: Peabody Museum of Salem, 1979) pp.
57-8. Whitman wrote of surf-riding at Honolulu.
"The surf board...
is admirably adapted to the purpose for which it is used. ...They are preserved
with the greatest care, as with their crude tools it is an immensity of
labor to make one."
4.3 Frenchman, Charles de Varigny, recorded Hawaiian surfriding activity circa 1850, however his description of the board, which he labels a 'canoe of a new genre' , is limited to merely noting its light weight- which may, as noted previously, indicate the use of willi willi.
"... this 'canoe of a new genre' ... The light board, easily maneuvered, was raised like a feather on the crest ..." (13)
de Varigny , like
Rev Ellis (4.3), also reports the board was capable of being ridden in
a standing position, apparently by adults.
"I saw a native
accomplish this 'tour de force' while upright atop the board." (14)
de Varigny's published work features two images of surfriding activity (3.5 and 3.6).
4.4 In 1886,
America author Mark Twain, travelled to the Pacific and recorded a brief
account of native surfriding on the Kona coast, on the large island,Hawai'i.
(15)
Unfortunately, his
desciption of the board is simply, "short".
Twain writes of
his subsequent attempts at surfriding and his failure to master the activity.
He concluded:
"None but the
natives ever master the art of surf-bathing thoroughly." (16)
4.4 A report of Hawaiian surfriding by John George Wood circa 1880 includes portions of Lt. King's journal entry (as edited by Douglas, 1874) as well as the observations below.
"For adults
they are about six feet in length.
They are slightly
convex on both sides, and are kept very smooth all surf-swimmers cherishing
a pride
in the condition
of their boards, and taking care to keep them well polished and continually
rubbed
with cocoa-nut
oil." (17)
Given the report
does not indicate a location or date and the extensive scope of his work
(The Uncivilized Races of Men in all Countries of the World), it is probable
that his report is not based on personal observation.
It appears to essentially
paraphrase Rev.Ellis (4.3), above.
4.5 Two late
19th century reports are located at Hilo, Hawai'i. (18)
The first, circa1880,
by John Dean Caton
(19) records:
"...
these boards as being about one and one-half inches thick, seven feet long,
coffin shaped, rounded at the ends, chamfered (beveled
- Blake) at the edges; about fifteen inches wide at the widest point
near the forward end, and eleven inches wide at the back end.
... boards
of the aliea, or thin design, were usually made of koa or wood of the breadfruit
tree." (20)
The board is identified
as an "alaia, or thin design - presumably there was an alternative
thick
design.
It is seven feet
long and one and a half inches thick.
The template is
foiled ("coffin-shaped") and about fifteen inches at the wide point,
possibly about 12 inches forward of centre.
The nose and the
"eleven
inches wide" tail are rounded.
The rails are chamfered,
or as Blake indicates bevelled.
The board is constructed
of koa (Acacia koa) or breadfruit (ulu) (Artocarpus incisus).
4.6 The other, a less detailed but significantly different, report from Hilo (circa 1888) is by Thomas W. Knox.(21)
"Each man had
a surf-board, which was a thick plank twelve or fifteen feet long and perhaps
thirty
inches wide,
and said to be made from the trunk of a bread-fruit tree." (22)
The thickness and
the length (12 to 15 feet) of the boards appear to describe the olo or
thick design.
The reported width
of "perhaps thirty inches" is certainly extreme.
As maximum board
width is essentially determined by the width of the paddler's shoulders
(2.10, above), the boards were probably somewhat narrower.
Knox's book includes a engraving titled "Surf Bathing, circa 1873" by Com. William Bainbridge Hoff ,
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4.8 These
reports add several specific features to the initial reports by Cook's
crew, .
Two native surfboard
names are recorded- "papa hi naru [papa he'e nalu], (wave sliding-board,)"
and
"the aliea, or thin design".
Three timbers for board construction are identified- willi willi, koa and breadfruit (ulu).
Stewart and Ellis (collectively) report that the boards were stained and polished to a fine finish and were sun dried and treated with a preserving oil before they were carefully stored after use.
The length is at
an extreme, 15 feet, but olo.
Otherwise 10 feet.
Caton compare Gilbert
- thinness!
14. de Varigny, Charles: Op. cit.,
15. Twain,
Mark : Roughing It.
American Publishing
Company, Hartford. 1872.
F.G. Gilman and
Co. Chicago. 1872.
G. Routledge and
Sons, Lonon. 1872. page 526.
"Fully illustrated
by eminent artists", the book includes two illustrations of surfriding
activity.
The relevant text
from Roughing It is excerpted in Finney
and Houston (1996) Appendix D pages 100 - 101.
16. Twain: Op. cit., page 526.
17. Wood,
John George (1827-1889):
The Uncivilized Races of Men in all Countries
of the World : Being a comprehensive account of their manners and customs,
and of their physical, social, mental, moral and religious characteristics.
G. Routledge and
Sons, London. 1868-80 2 Vol.Pages 168 to169.
Includes portions
of Lt. King's entry as well as the observations below.
Also
Wood, John George
(1827-1889) : The Uncivilized races, or, natural history of man; being
a complete account of the manners and customs, and the physical, social
and religious condition and characteristics of the uncivilized races of
men throughout the entire world.
2 Vol.Pages 168
to169. ???
Hartford American
Publishing Co. 1870.
Digitally collated
and formatted from ..
Dela Vega (ed,
2004) Page17.
18. Hilo was a famed surfing location on the large island, Hawaii, and said to rival Waikiki for the quality of it's surf. Finney and Houston (1996) identify seven different breaks, page 28.
19. This quotation has been collated from Blake (1935), see below, and may not accuartely reproduce Caton's. text.
20. Caton,
John Dean (1812-1895): Miscellanies
Houghton,
Osgood & Co. Boston. 1880 Pages 242 to 244.
Digitally collated
and formatted from
Tom Blake : Hawaiian
Surfriders 1935
Mountain and Sea
Publishing.
Box 126 Redondo
Beach California 90277 1983 Pages 41 to 43.
21. Thomas
W. Knox was a journalist and profilic author, most noted for his Boy Travellers
series, originally
based a a world
tour in 1866.
The 1888 Australasian
volume was produced in conjunction with Australia's centennial.
The 1971 edition
includes an Appreciation by Charles V. S. Borst, that notes...
"All these works are inspired by Knox's philosophy of travel which is expressed
in his little
guide How to Travel (New York, 1881): "To an observant and thoughtful individual,
the
invariable effect of travel is to teach respect for the opinions, the faith,
or the ways of
others, and to convince him that other civilizations than his own are worthy
of consider-
ation." This lack of condescension - rare for the often patronizing Victorian
traveller - of
course contributed to the accuracy of Knox's reporting in such a book as
The Boy
Travellers in Australasia. Combined with this accuracy is his insatiable
curiosity about all
aspects of life in the countries he visited - his work indeed foreshadowing
the writing of
modern anthropologists" - page xiii
22. Knox,
Thomas W. (1835-1896) :The Boy Travellers in Australasia.
Adventures of
Two Youths in a Journey to the Sandwich, Marquesas, Sociey, Samoan and
Feejee
Islands and Through
the Colonies of New Zealand, New South Wales, Queensland, Victoria,
Tasmania and
South Australia.
New York Harper
& Brothers 1889.
Harper & Brothers
Publishers, 1902.
Charles Tuttle Co,
Rutland, Vermont & Tokyo, Japan. reprinted1971.
Paul Flesch &
Company, Melbourne.1971 pages ???
20
xxx
1892
Brigham, William
Tufts 1841-1926
A 16- Preliminary
Catalogue of the Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum (Honolulu:
Bishop Museum Press,
1892) part II, p. 55 "surfboards were usually made of ko-a, flat with slightly
convex surface, rounded at one end, slightly narrowing towards the stern,
where it was cut square. Sometimes the 'pa-pa' (surfboard) was made of
very light wi-Ii wi-Ii as were narrow, 0-10. In size they varied from three
to eighteen feet in length and from eight to ten inches in breadth, but
some of the ancient boards are said to have been 4 fathoms long." (A fathom
is 6 ff) "the largest in the museum are so heavy that they require two
men to move them."
xxx
Thrum, Thomas G (editor):
Thrum's Hawaiian Almanac and Annual for 1896.
"TREES AND
MODE OF CUTTING
There were
only three kinds of trees known to be used for making boards for surf riding,
viz.: the
wiliwili (Erythrina
monosperma), ulu or breadfruit (Artocarpus incisa), and koa (Acacia koa).
The uninitiated
were naturally careless, or indifferent as to the method of cutting the
chosen tree; but
among those
who desired success upon their labors the following rites were carefully
observed.
Upon the selection
of a suitable tree, a red fish called kumu was first procured, which was
placed at its
trunk.
The tree was
then cut down, after which a hole was dug at its root and the fish placed
therein, with a
prayer, as
an offering in payment therefor.
After this
ceremony was performed, then the tree trunk was chipped away from each
side until
reduced to
a board approximately of the dimensions desired, when it was pulled down
to the beach
and placed
in the halau (canoe house) or other suitable place convenient for its finishing
work.
FINISHING PROCESS
Coral of the
corrugated variety termed pohaku puna, which could be gathered in abundance
along the
sea beach,
and a rough kind of stone called oahi were commonly used articles for reducing
and
smoothing
the rough surfaces of the board until all marks of the stone adze were
obliterated.
As a finishing
stain the root of the ti plant (Cordyline terminalis), called mole ki,
or the pounded bark of
the kukui
(Aleurites moluccana), called hili, was the mordant used for a paint made
with the soot of
burned kukui
nuts.
This furnished
a durable, glossy black finish, far preferable to that made with the ashes
of burned
crane leaves,
or amau fern, which had neither body nor gloss.
Before using
the board there were other rites or ceremonies to be performed, for its
dedication.
As before,
these were disregarded by the common people, but among those who followed
the making
of surf boards
as a trade, they were religiously observed.
There are two
kinds of boards for surf riding, one called the 'olo' and the other the
'a-la-ia', known also
as 'omo'.
The olo was
made of wiliwili - a very light buoyant wood - some three fathoms long,
two to three feet
wide, and
from six to eight inches thick along the middle of the board, lengthwise,
but rounding toward
the edges
on both upper and lower sides.
It is well
known that the olo was only for the use of the chiefs; none of the common
people: used it.
They used
the a-la-ia, which was made of koa, or ulu. Its length and width were similar
to the olo,
except in
thickness, it being but of one and a half or two inches thick along the
center." (1)
Blake wrote (5) in The Hawaiian Surfboard (1935) ...
Here
is an interesting comment on surf riding to be found in Hawaiian
Folk Lore by Fornander(1):
"Here
are the names of that board and the surfs.
The
board is alaia, three yards long. (2)
The
surf is kakala, a curling wave, terrible, death dealing.(3)
The
board is Olo, six yards long. (4)
The
surf is opuu, a non-breaking wave, something like calmness". (5)
This
passage shows the different boards best suited to different kinds of waves.(6)
The
alaia as the thin board was called, ranged from a few feet, a child's size,
to about twelve feet long for adults.(7)
The
larger one being about one and one half inches thick through the center,
levelling off on both top and bottom to about one-quarter inch at the edges.(8)
The
kakala, indicates a wave that steepens up and crashes over the shallow
coral.(8)
The
comparatively small size of the alaia board made it easy to handle in such
waves.
It
was made of the hardwood of the koa (9)and
breadfruit tree.(10)
The Olo, indicating the longer boards, was of wili wilIi wood (11), a porus light wood like balsa, in fact, wili willi is Hawaiian balsa, just as koa is Hawaiian mahogany, of which there are sixty-seven different kinds in the world. An alaia designed board of wili wilIi would not be strong enough, therefore, the Olo type was about six inches thick maximum, down the center of the board, and made of convex top and bottom so the edges beveled off to about one-half inch all around.(12)
The
Hawaiian chief, Pakai, was a famous surf rider around the 1830 period.(13)
His
two great surfboards are now in the Bishop Museum. (14)
Although
these two boards are of Olo design, long and thick, and of heavy koa wood,
I feel that koa was second choice for the making of this long board.
Wili
wilIi being generally used.(15)
I
also believe that while the wili wili board of Olo design was re-
Page 17.
(I
also believe that while the wili wili board of Olo design was re-) served
for the use of the chiefs, the koa board of Olo design was not restricted
to the alii (chiefs), but was for general use because of the scarcity of
wili wili wood and plentiful occurrence of koa. (1)
How
the Olo long board was especially adaptable to the swells or unbreaking
wave, will be clearly brought out in a later discussion on modern surfing.
(2)
Duke
Kahanamoku's answer to the reason for the old wili wilIi boards being reserved
for the chiefs is that it was a very scarce and valuable wood.
Therefore,
the chiefs had wili wili boards for the same reason that a man has a Rolls-Royce
automobile today, that he is wealthy and can afford it.(3)
Page18.
Reprinted in 1983
by Bank Wright as
Blake, Tom: Hawaiian
Surfriders 1935
Mountain and Sea
Publishing, Box 126 Redondo Beach California 90277 1983
Embossed hard cover
with adhesive image.
DeLa Vega
(2004) notes "Joel Smith's edition was used to create these plates.",
page 38.
2. Blake,
Tom: Hawaiian Surfriding
Nothland Press,
Flagstaff,Arizona, 1961
Soft cover, 41 pages
(without page numbers), 58 black and white plates, 3 black and white ???
3. Blake's
work has been extensively quoted by many subsequent surfing historians.
To detail a complete
inventory would be pointless - almost every book or magazine article that
discusses ancient Hawaiian surfing either quotes Blake directly or his
sources.
The following works
(excluding those of Ben Finney) are readily available.
Nat, Warshaw, Lueras,
Carroll,
4. Ben Finney
originally prepared his research for a masters thesis in anthropology.
The quality of his
work has set the benhmark for all following historians of surfriding.
Finney, Ben: Surfing
in Ancient Hawaii
The Journal of
Polynesian Society
December 1959 Volume
68 Number 4 pages 327 - .347
Finney, Ben: The
Development and Diffusion of Modern Surfing
The Journal of
Polynesian Society
December 1960
Volume 69 Number 4 pages 314 - .331
Finney, Ben and Houston,
James D. : Surfing – The Sport of Hawaiian Kings
Charles E.
Tuttle Company Inc.
Rutland, Vermont
and Tokyo, Japan. 1966.
Second printing
196?, Third printing 1971.
Finney, Ben and Houston,
James D. : Surfing – A History of the Ancient Hawaiian Sport
Pomegranate
Books
P.O. Box 6099
Rohnert Park, CA 94927
Soft cover,
117 pages, 20 b/w photographs, 24 b/w illustrations, Appendices,
Notes, Bibliography.
5. All reproduced
text is in Bell 14 point and not in quotation marks or italics.
My text is in Arial
12 point.
For screen clarity,
the reproduced text and my own work has been adjusted to my standard online
format.
Paragraphs are indicated
by a spaced line (replacing indentation) and each sentence takes a new
line.
Page 17
1. Fornander,
Abraham: Forlander Collection of Antiquities and Hawaiian Folk Lore
: Translations by Thomas G. Thrum.
Bishop Museum Press,
Honolulu, 1919-1920.
Memoirs of the Bernice
Pauahi Bishop Museum, Volumes 4, 5 and 6.
DeLa Vega
(2004) notes "Tom Blake considered this collection one of the most comprehensive
looks at the legends and chants of ancient Hawaii.", page 19.
2. "alaia,
three yards long"
One yard equals
three feet, 36 inches or 92 cm.
The reported alaia
is approximately 9 feet or 275 cm long.
This conforms with
existing examples of the board.
3. "kakala,
a curling wave, terrible, death dealing."
The wave is characterised
by its steep face and hard breaking curl.
It is typically
found in the common beach break.
4. "Olo,
six yards long."
One yard equals
three feet, 36 inches or 92 cm.
The reported Olo
is approximately 18 feet or 550 cm long.
This reasonably
conforms with two know existing examples of the board, hower both are in
koa wood..
5. "opuu,
a non-breaking wave, something like calmness."
The wave is characterised
by its gentle sloping face.
A noted feature
of surfing conditions at Waikiki, Ohau, it is favoured by canoe surfers.
6. "This passage
shows the different boards best suited to different kinds of waves."
Although this is
generally correct, the performance of any surfboard is a function of the
rider's statue and skill.
7. "The
alaia as the thin board was called, ranged from a few feet, a child's size,
to about twelve feet long for adults."
Buck (1959)
notes "The Bishop Museum collection consists of 25 boards ranging from
a child's board of breadfruit wood (Bishop Museum catalogue number
C. 5966), 34.25 inches long, weighing 2 pounds 10 ounces to a modern
redwood board, 17 feet 2 inches long, weighing 174 pounds." Page 384.
While Blake chiefly
characterises the alaia as "the thin board" with a wide range of
lengths and widths,
Buck
(1957) and Finney (1959) make a
distinction based on riding position - prone ("body-board') or standing
models ("true surfboards"), based largely on length.
Buck (1957)
page 384
Finney (1959)
pages 331 and 333.
This distinction
presents several difficulties.
1. Firstly, it requires
the observer to determine the riding position of any particular board based
on their surf riding experience.
As noted above,
the performance of any surfboard is a function of the rider's statue and
skill.
2. While early reports
indicate that solid board riders did ride in the standing position, it
is unclear if this was practised as an exclusive preference.
The ancients may
have ridden a particular wave in a variety of positions - prone, kneeling,
drop-knee, sitting and standing - adjusting to changes in the wave's shape
and velocity.
3. There is no such
distinction in the early literature.
Commentators, such
as Malcom Gault-Williams (2005) have used the term paipo
(page 95) to indicate prone boards, but this word does not appear in any
list of ancient Hawaiian words.
See Finney and
Houston (1996) Appendix A, pages 94 to 96.
4. The principal
feature for a board to be ridden in a standing position is possibly the
width.
5. All these commentators
fail to note the major advantage of a board with larger volume - a significant
improvement in padding speed and distance.
It is probably reasonable
to assume that, regardless of the statue and skill of the rider, that smaller
boards were mostly used at surfing breaks close to shore, while larger
boards had the potential to ride waves breaking a considerable distance
from shore.
8. "The larger
one being about one and one half inches thick through the center, levelling
off on both top and bottom to about one-quarter inch at the edges."
This indicates that
the maximum thickness for the alaia was one and one half inches, considerably
thinner than all subsequent surfboard designs.
9. "The kakala,
indicates a wave that steepens up and crashes over the shallow coral."
As noted, this type
of wave is typically found in the common beach break.
Surfing breaks occuring
on coral reefs are generally limted to equatorial regions.
10. "koa" (Acacia
koa)
Tommy Holmes' authorative
work, The Hawaiian Canoe (1981, 1993), writes extensively about
koa and its use of by ancient Hawaiian canoe builders.
Significant sections
are of interest in a discussion of ancient Hawaiian surfboards.
Holme's work is
fully referenced, however his notes are not included in this paper.
Holmes, Tommy :
The
Hawaiian Canoe - Second Edition
Editions Limited,
PO Box 10558 Honolulu, Hawaii 96816.
First Edition 1981.
Second Edition 1993. Second Printing 1996.
Koa
A
magnificent and totally unexpected gift awaited discovery by the settlers
reaching Hawai'i.
The
islands were blessed with extensive forests of what would come to be called
koa, trees of extraordinary size that were found nowhere else in the world.
These
trees would provide wood of remarkable durability out of which the Hawaiian
would shape his canoes.
For
some 1500 years the Hawaiian people lived in delicate balance with their
environment, the trees they used being replaced by natural regeneration.
Contact
with the west shattered this fragile balance; in the span of a few decades
koa began a radical decline that has continued even to the present day.
"Their
huge trunks and limbs cover the ground so thickly that it is difficult
to ride through the forest, if such it can be called," writes E.F. Rock
in 1913 of a once beautiful koa forest in Kealakekua, South Kona.
Rock,
a botanist, goes on to note of this macabre forest scene that "90 per cent
of the trees are now dead, and the remaining 10 per cent in a dying condition."
In
1779, a little over one hundred and thirty years before Rock's observations,
Lt. Charles Clerke who was with Captain Cook tells of wandering through
the koa forest above Kealakekua: "Some of our Ex- plorers in the woods
measured a tree 19 feet in the girth and rising very proportionably [sic]
in its bulk to a great height, nor did this far, if at all, exceed in stateliness
many of its neighbours; we never before met with this kind of wood."
Similarly,
Archibald Menzies in 1792 describes the same area: "The largest trees which
compose this vast forest I now found to be a new species of mimosa [koa].
..I measured two of them near our path one of which was seventeen feet
and the other about eighteen feet in circumference, with straight trunks
forty or fifty feet high. ..as we advanced, the wood was more crowded with
these trees than lower down where both sides of the path had been thinned
of them by the inhabitants."
Page
Acacia
koa, once undisputed monarch of the forests of Hawai'i, probably evolved
from seeds hitchhiking to Hawai'i in the bowels of some storm-blown bird
or through some other capricious act of the winds and seas.
In
an environment that was comparatively free of competitors and predators,
koa proliferated to where it was once-after 'ohi'a- the second most common
forest tree in Hawai'i.
It
has been estimated that today there is standing probably not much more
than ten percent of the amount of koa that existed at the time of Cook's
arrival; presently non-native species make up the majority of the forests
of Hawai'i.
Page
Koa
sometimes reaches massive proportions.
Tall,
straight koa trees up to 20 feet in circumference were seen by a number
of Europeans visiting Hawai'i in the late 1700's and early 1800's.
One
legend reputes a koa tree with a straight trunk as high as 120 feet, and
Emerson notes ten men were required to encompass another mammoth koa tree
from which a canoe was to be hewed. Though these dimensions are probably
exaggerated, there undoubtedly were some quite large koa trees.
Straight
trunks in excess of 70 feet were not unheard of; and while never plentiful,
one can still find today an occasional 50- t060-foot straight-trunked koa
tree.
In
1977 a 62-foot log was felled in the Honomalino forest above Kona, from
which a ten-man, 58-foot canoe has been made.
Of
old, certain areas such as the mountains above Hilo and Kona and the slopes
of Haleakala produced such an abundance of high quality canoe logs that
a very disproportionate amount of the total number of canoes throughout
the islands came from these sites.
At
Keauhou Ranch on the island of Hawai'i there stands what is considered
to be the largest koa tree in the world. Its trunk measures some 12 feet
in diameter and 371/2 feet in circumference.
Though
the trunk only rises about 30 feet before branching, its topmost branches
tower 140 feet above the ground.
The
tree is probably four hundred to five hundred years old.
Page
Koa
For Canoes
Early
Hawaiians, and canoe builders in particular, possessed an especially detailed
knowledge of differing physical characteristics of woods, primarily of
Acacia koa.
In
the absence of modern-day botanical classification techniques, the canoe
builder devised his own very sophisticated system for classifying koa.
Through
analysis of a tree's trunk shape and dimensions, bark, grain, and branching
patterns, a canoe builder was able to identify each koa tree as being of
a certain type.
Beyond
the obvious gross physical characteristics of a koa tree, the ancient canoe
builder was most concerned with the grain, for well he knew that each tree
possessed distinct grain characteristics. While today's botanist will tell
you that Acacia koa is Acacia koa, he will observe that there is, besides
the more obvious differences in physical characteristics, a remarkable
range in the density from one tree to the next, and from one stand to the
next.
The
density of koa ranges from a low of about 30 pounds per cubic foot to a
high of 80 pounds per cubic foot.
In
some cases there will even be a significant range of grain density within
the same tree.
It
was apparently this maverick and obscure feature of koa wood that most
plagued the canoe builder.
Page 29
While
the Hawaiian did not think in terms of pounds per cubic foot, he did develop
a system of grain classification that was for all practical purposes comparable
to a botanist's grain density scale.
Low
density koa (roughly 30 to 45 pounds per cubic foot) was to the canoe builder
generally soft, lightweight, and yellowish.
He
called it koa la' au mai' a (banana- colored koa) and valued it for its
lightness as wood for paddles, but rarely used it for canoes.
Another
name for this type of koa wood was koa' awapuhi, literally, "ginger koa,"
which was regarded as female by the Hawaiians.
Mid-range
density koa (40 to 60 pounds per cubic foot), reddish to brown, was overwhelmingly
favored for making canoes, primarily because of its durability, and strength-to-weight
relationship. Koa at the high end of the density range (60 to 80 pounds
per cubic foot) was almost black in color and extremely heavy.
The
wood of this type of tree was called koa 'i'o 'ohi'a (hard 'ohi'a-like
grain) and was usually avoided for canoes because the wood was heavy and
hard to work.
On
the occasion when a canoe was made of this kind of koa it was said that
it "will never lose its heaviness until. it is smashed."
This
contrasts to the typical koa canoe that over the years loses weight due
to water loss from the wood.
Noting
the tendency of koa to crack and check, canoe builder Z.P.K. Kalokuokamaile
said that the canoe maker of old had "to be very careful for the grain
of some trees lie [sic] all in the same direction."
(Note that one would
expect "the tendency for koa to crack and check" to be an important
concern to the builder using this timber for surfboards, it is not mentioneed
in any of the traditional sources.)
Further
identification of a tree was made through its bark.
Unfortunately,
only two types are recorded.
Kaekae
was a whitish bark that generally covered a tall, handsome tree, indicating
a straight grain of the la' au mai' a variety.
This
type of tree, according to Kalokuokamaile, made "a very light canoe and
floats well after it is built and put into the sea."
Maua
on the other hand, was a dark red bark that typically sheathed the tough,
heavy, black-grained ~i'o 'ohi'a, of which "the grain of the wood twists
forward and back.
This
is hard to make into a canoe."
Trunk
shape and dimensions, and branching patterns provided the canoe builder
with his most common means of identifying different types of koa.
Holmes then records
a list of twenty-one terms still known that were used in identifying koa
wa'a (koa for canoes).
Page 30
10. "breadfruit tree." (ulu) (Artocarpus incisus)
11. "wili wilIi wood" (Erythrina sandwicensis)
In a section titled Other Woods, Holmes discusses the use of breadfruit and willi willi in canoe building.
Fornander
notes that besides koa, "three other kinds of wood were used in the olden
time for building canoes, the wiliwili, kukui (candle-nut tree), and ulu
(breadfruit tree).
The
wiliwili is yet being used.
The
kukui is not much seen at this time.
The
ulu is used for repairing a broken canoe
"
Handy comments that the early Hawaiian settlers found kukui "to be one
of their most valuable assets, perhaps the chief of which lay in the fact
that the trunks of large trees could be hollowed into superb canoe hulls."
Soft,
light and easily worked, breadfruit, kukui and wiliwili were especially
favored as play or training canoes particularly for young aspiring canoeists
or women.
The
"baby" or training canoes rarely exceeded 20 feet in length and usually
were in the 10 to 15 foot range.
Of
the light woods, breadfruit was apparently least used; not only was the
breadfruit tree fairly rare and needed as a food source, the one variety
available to the Hawaiians was usually unsuitable in girth and height for
making canoes.
Holmes' comments
probably account for the restricted use of breadfruit for surfboard building,
certainly for larger boards.
Of
wiliwili, Fornander notes that "it was also made into canoes, provided
a tree large enough to be made into a canoe can be found; but it is not
suitable for two or three people, for it might sink in the sea.
But
it must not be finished into a canoe while it is green; leave it for finishing
till it has seasoned, then use it."
The essential requirement
that the timber be seasoned before finishing is not reported in any of
the accounts of early surfboard construction.
Emerson
says of softwood wiliwili canoes that: "If not sufficiently durable and
resistant to the powerful jaws of the shark, they were at least easily
manipulated and very buoyant, and made a cheap and on the whole a very
serviceable canoe for ordinary purposes."
Degener,
in his book Flora Hawaiiensis, noted that in the early part of this
century canoes of wiliwili were not in "favor because of the belief that
sharks preferred to follow this particular wood." The limited literature
on canoes made from softwoods tends to support the ancient Hawaiian's concern
for the greater vulnerability of light wood canoes to occasional shark
attacks.
These
beliefs might seem to conflict with the many reports of the use of willi
willi for ama (outrigger floats).
Note that such beliefs
would certainly appear a disincentive to use willi willi for surfboard
building and there is no consideration of this in the available literature..
Wiliwili
canoes are almost always referred to in the literature as near-shore, play
or training canoes. I'i notes that as a young boy he "had learned a little
about paddling a canoe made of wiliwili wood that his parents had provided
for him."
The restriction
of willi willi to "near-shore, play or training canoes" is possibly a reflection
on the low strength of the timber, the ancient Hawaiians distrustful of
its performance in the open sea conditions.
Wiliwili,
by some accounts, was never very plentiful.
Kalokuoka-
maile notes that "in the olden days. ..there were very few places in which
this tree grew." This is somewhat at odds with botanist W. E. Hillebrand,
who wrote that wiliwili was "much more common formerly than now."
It
was said by some that Ka'u was the best place for wiliwili.
Today
wiliwili can be found flourishing in certain areas.
The
author has visited a grove of wiliwili above the Makena area on Maui that
comprises several hundred acres.
Many
of the trees are 3 to 4 feet in diameter with trunks often rising 15 to
20 feet high before branching.
Other
sizeable stands of wiliwili dating from precontact times can still be found
in the Pu'uanahulu, Pu'uwa'awa'a and KaIapana areas of Hawai'i.
Smaller
populations are also found on Kaua'i behind Kekaha, in west O'ahu, south
and west Moloka'i, Kaupo on Maui, Ka'u on Hawai'i and on Kaho'olawe.
Emerson
makes an intriguing reference to a certain kaukauali'i (mi- nor chief)
who, in the time of Kamehameha I, constructed a vessel (moku) out of a
single huge wiliwili tree.
He
named this craft after himself, 'Waipa'.
It
was partly covered or decked over, but had no outrigger, being kept upright
by ballast.
It
had a single mast and sailed with Kamehameha's fleet to Oahu." It is not
unlikely that such a craft was built.
After
contact there were a number of Hawaiians experimenting with new types of
craft.
By
way of reference, the largest wiliwili tree known, located on Pu'uwa'awa'a
Ranch is, at breast height, almost thirteen feet in circumference, and
fifty-five feet high.
Kenneth
Emory, dean of Pacific anthropologists, records an informant who told him
in 1937 of the Hawaiians training wiliwili trees to grow tall and straight
before crowning by constantly trimming off side branches.
Page 23.
Holmes also includes
a discussion of the use of non-native timbers, washed ashore on the Hawaian
islands.
The use of such
timber by ancient surfboard builders can not be discounted.
Drift
Logs
The
gods must surely have smiled on the Hawaiian people, giving them yet another
special source of canoe logs: giant redwood, fir, pine and other kinds
of tree trunks that drifted from the northwest coast of America to the
shores of Hawai'i.
W.
T. Brigham, one-time curator of the Bishop Museum, notes that "many of
the largest and most famous double canoes of the Hawaiians were hewn from
logs of Oregon pine brought to the shores ofNiihau and Kauai by the waves.
I
myself saw dozens of such logs in 1864, some of great size, some bored
by Teredo, others covered with barnacles, along the shores ofNiihau."
Similarly
James Hornell notes that, "in Hawaii giant logs of Oregon pine occasionally
drifted ashore; these were greatly prized, for they were often so large
as to serve as entire hulls without the need of raising the sides by means
of planks sewn on; the difficulty was to obtain a pair of approximately
equal size; sometimes a log was kept for years before this aim was achieved."
It
was as if nature had compensated for the chronic canoe log shortage on
Kaua'i and Ni'ihau, for that was where most of these drift logs landed.
Captain
George Vancouver notes that "the circumstance of fir timber being drifted
on the northern sides of these islands is by no means uncommon, especially
in Attowai [Kaua'i], where there then was a double canoe, of a middling
size, made from two small-pine trees, that were driven on shore nearly
at the same spot."
The
log belonged to whatever chief ruled over that stretch of coastline where
it happened to be beached.
Menzies,
-Vancouver's surgeon and naturalist, while crossing the Kaua'i Channel
later reported "the largest single canoe we had seen amongst these islands,
being about sixty feet long and made of one piece of the trunk of a pine
tree which had drifted on shore on the east end of the island of Kauai
a few years back..
She
had sixteen men on her and was loaded on the outriggers with a large quantity
of cloth, spears, two muskets, and other articles, which they were carrying
up to Mau
Page 24.
12. "the Olo type
was about six inches thick maximum, down the center of the board, and made
of convex top and bottom so the edges beveled off to about one-half inch
all around."
This report is apparently
based on the dimensions of the three known examples - two of koa wood and
one of non-native pine. .
As yet, no reference
records the thickness for an alaia or Olo board built from willi willi.
Given the reported
low strength of willi willi, it is possible that the extreme thickness
(compared to the alaia) was required to improve the structural integrity
of the board.
13. "The Hawaiian chief, Pakai, was a famous surf rider around the 1830 period."
14. "His two great surfboards are now in the Bishop Museum."
15. "Wili wilIi being generally used."
Page 18
The store of legends
pertaining to ancient surfriding being exhausted, I am fortunate in having
at hand the earliest writing of white men in these Islands that refer to
the sport. The oldest, of 1783 vintage, by Ellis, Captain
Cook's historian,
leaves an account of how the Hawaiians of that time practiced surfriding.
It says:
"Native men,
and women alike, enjoyed it. In Kealakakua Bay (Hawaii) the waves broke
out about one hundred and fifty yards. Twenty or thirty natives, each with
a narrow board with rounded ends, would start out together from the shore
and battle the breaking waves to a point out beyond. The surfers would
then lay themselves full length upon the boards and prepare for the swift
return to shore, They would throw themselves in the crest of the largest
wave, and be driven towards shore with amazing rapidity. The riders must
ride through jagged opening in the rocks, and, in case of failure, be dashed
against them."
The boards used
by these natives were undoubtedly of the aleia or thin type.
The Olo, or long
thick board, would not be practical on so short a surf, and rocky a shore.
The long surf and unbroken swells are better suited to the Olo board.
Archibald Campbell,
in his work, Voyage Around the World, 1806-1812, refers to seeing
surfboards in the Sandwich Isles, ( now, the Hawaiian Islands). Of the
natives, he says:
"They often swam
several miles offshore, to ships, sometimes resting upon a plank shaped
like an anchor stock -and paddling with their hands, but more frequently
without any assistance what- ever. Although sharks are numerous in those
waters, I never heard of any accident from them, which, I attribute to
the dexter- ity with which they avoided their attacks."
Pages 33-34.
Ellis, in a work
of 1823, says: "After using, the surfboard is placed in the sun till perfectly
dry, then it is rubbed over with cocoanut oil, frequently wrapped with
cloth and suspended in some part of their dwelling house.
"There are few
children who are not taken into the sea by their mothers the second or
third day after their birth, and many can swim as soon as they can walk."
I can say that
many children, boys of about eight years old, can ride the waves on a surfboard.
True, they stay near shore, but master the same technique as their older
brothers.
The great regard
of the ancient Hawaiian for his surfboard, displayed by his care in drying
and oiling it and even wrapping it in 'tapa and hanging it in his house,
gives some idea of the value and high place the surfboard had in his life.
Next comes the
work of Malo, the Hawaiian historian, with translations by Emerson. Malo
was born in 1793, was known to be writing in 1832, and died in 1853. An
honest, conscientious writer, he devotes but a short chapter to surf riding
as practiced by the old Hawaiians. However, his work is invaluable in building
the chain of surfboard customs.
Malo says: "Surfriding
was a national sport of the Hawaiians, at which they were very fond of
betting, each man staking his property on the one he thought ;to be the
most skillful.
"With the bets
all put up, the surf riders, taking their boards with them, swam out through
the surf ;till they had reached the waters .outside the surf.
"The surfboards
were broad and flat, generally hewn out of koa. A narrower board was made
from the wood of the wili wili. One board would be one fathom in length;
one, two fathoms; and another, four fathoms or even longer.
Page 36.
"The surf riders
having reached the belt of water outside the surf, the region where the
rollers begin to make head,' awaited the incoming wave in preparation for
which they got their boards under way by paddling with their hands until
such time as the swelling wave began to lift and urge them forward.
"Then they speeded
for the shore until they came opposite to where was moored a buoy, which
was called a pau. If the combatants crossed the line of this buoy together,
it was a dead heat, but if one went by in advance of the others, he was
the victor ."
Malo wrote another
paragraph in his chapter on surfriding which Emerson could not translate,
but thought it meant that the victor was declared only after more than
one heat, or that the race consisted of several or many trips from outside
to the buoy or finish. I feel that ;this interpretation is correct. Anything
from three to ten rides would be an average race.
Emerson found
him over estimating dist,ances or sizes on two occasions. I believe Malo
meant yards when he used fath- oms. How many of you know how long a fathom
is? Six feet.
Malo's statement
that a "narrower board was made from the wili wili," bears out my theory
that the 010, or long type board, was not usually made of the hardwoods
from koa and breadfruit trees, but of the sof,t, light wood of the wi Ii
wili tree. Those koa boards of chief Paki's in the the Bishop Museum, are
really a bit too heavy, although handling well in the water, and riding
the big swells in a good manner. I choose, for the big waves, a hollow
board weighted with lead to make it steady. I find seventy pounds a good
weight for a hollow board for big surf.
I recently had
the privilege, and hard work, of restoring Paki's museum boards to their
original condition. For twenty years or more they had been hanging or tied
wi,th wire against the stone wall on the outside of the museum, covered
with some old reddish paint and rather neglected.
My inquiries
into the art of surfriding disclosed to me the the true value of these
two old koa boards. They are the only two ancient surfboards of authentic
010 design known to be in exist- ence today.
I made an appeal
to Mr. Bryan, curator of the museum, to restore the boards to their former
unpainted finish and begged a
Page 37.
more worthy location
for their display in the museum. Permission was refused by the directors
on the grounds that I might injure the e,rident antiquity of Paki's boards.
After two years, I made a second appeal, and was granted permission to
restore them and given promise of a more suitable location inside the building
to keep them.
In the restoration
of Paki's old boards, I discovered that they are undoubtedly much older
than anyone suspected. In fact, they were probably already: antiques when
Paki acquired them. I shall give my reasons for this inference.
Underneath the
old red paint was several coats of blue paint. and underneath ,that were
hard layers of a sand colored paint, and underneath that in many spots
was marine deck seam compound filling in worm eaten parts of the board.
On the largest board, the tail, in part, was rebuilt of California redwood
to give the board its original shape.
Paki, according
,to Stokes, was born on Molokai in 1808, and lived until 1855. It was probably
around 1830 when Paki was man enough to handle these big boards. The old
whaling ships were sometimes seen in Honolulu harbor then and the several
kinds of paint beneath the old red surface, also the ship's deck seam compound
and redwood tail patch were available even before
1830.
Therefore, I
assume that Paki dug up these two fine old dis- carded worm-eaten boards,
had the redwood patch put on one, the deck caulking compound and paint
on both, and painted them, so he could use them himself.
In their restored
condition, the worn holes and patches show clearly under the varnish finish.
Two fine examples of a now extinct design are these two old board on which
Chief Paki once rode the Kalahuewehe surf at Waikiki.
1t is said that
Pili would not go surfriding unless it was too stormy for anyone else to
go out. His reputation of going out only in big surf is the natural thing
when a man gets beyond his youth. Today, it takes big waves to get the
old timers out on their boards.
A bit of information
as to surfriding in other South Sea Islands is disclosed by Wilkes. He
says: "The King's Mile Is- landers use a small board in swimming in the
surf like that used in the Sandwich Islands." (Hawaiian.)
Page 38.
And Cordington
says: "In the Banks Islands and Torris Islands, and no doubt in other islands,
they use the surfboard."
It is apparent
to me that it remained for the old Hawaiians to put the art of the surfboard
on the highest level of develop- ment and popularity' it had ever reached
in the world, a much higher level than the sport occupies today. But it
is coming back and the future will see contests and surfriding that will
rival any that ,took place for the old Hawaiian kings.
Of surf riding
in 1853, an observer says: "Lahaina is the only place where surf riding
is practiced with any degree of enthusiasm, and even there it is rapidly
passing out of existence."
This writer referred
only to the Island of Maui, I believe. Here's a reference to the isolation
and quietness of Waikiki
in the early
days; the work of G. W. Bates, published in 1854: "Within a mile of the
crater's base (Diamond Head) is the
old village of
Waikiki. It stands in the center of a handsome coconut grove. There is
a fine bay before the village, in whose water the vessels of Vancouver
and other distinguished navigators have anchored.
"There were no
busy artizans wielding their implements of labor; no civilized vehicles
bearing their loads of commerce, or any living occupant.
"Benea'th the
cool shade of some evergreens, or in a thatched house reposed several canoes.
Everything was so quiet as though it were the only village on earth; and
the tennants, its only denizens.
"A few natives
were enjoying a promiscuous bath in a crystal clear stream that came directly
from the mountains.
"Some were steering
their frail canoes seaward; others clad simply in Nature's robes, were
wading out on the reefs in search of fish."
Page 39.
Aside from the
charm of Bates' description of old Waikiki it establishes the fact that
under those conditions, surfriding was, indeed a lost art. I feel, however,
that there was always surfrid- ing at Waikiki beach, on some kind of a
board. Waikiki's condi- tion in 1854 indicates that the great popularity
of the national pastime, surf riding, was but a memory.
John Dean Caton,
L.L.D., gives his observations on surf- riding at Hilo, Hawaii, in a volume
published in 1880, and throws light on the much argued points as to whether
the old surfriders rode the waves at an angle, or slid them, and whether
they stood upright upon the speeding surfboard.
Caton says: "One
instantly dashed in, in front of, and at the lowest declevity of the advancing
wave, and with a few strokes of hands and feet, es'tablished his position
(on the wave). Then, without further effort, shot along the base of the
wave to the ea!t- ward with incredible velocity. Naturally, he came towards
shore with ,the body of the wave as he advanced, but his course was along
the foot of the wave, and parallel with it, so that we only saw that he
was running past with the speed of a swift winged bird. He kept up with
,the progress of the breaking crest, which moved from west to east, as
successive portions 01 the wave took the ground (broke in shallow water)
."
There we have
an old time surf rider sliding the wave from
Page 41.
west to east in
grand style, jU&t as we do at Waikiki beach today, and they slid the
wave for the same reason we do today; that is, to get away from the breaking
or foaming crest of the wave.
Caton continues:
"As the big seas chased each other in from the open ocean, the west end
first reached the rocky bed, and the instant the bottom of the wave met
this obstruction, its rotary motion was checked, and immediately, the comb
on the top was formed, so that the foamy crest seemed to run along the
top of the wave from west to east, as successive portions of it reached
the rock bottom."
This explains
why the wave breaks at a certain place first, if you follow Caton. The
riders he saw had to slide the wave to get away from the break and keep
off the rocks.
Relative to standing,
Caton says: "As soon as the bather had secured his position, he gave a
spring, and stood upon his knees upon the board, and just as he was passing
us, when about four hundred feet from the little peninsula point where
we stood, he gave another spring and stood upon his feet, now folding his
arms upon his breast, and now swinging them about in wild ecstasy, in his
exhilarating flight."
So they stood
upon the surfboard in olden times just as we do today. Caton describes
these boards as being about one and one-half inches thick, seven feet long,
coffin shaped, rounded at the ends, chamfered (beveled) at the edges; about
fifteen inches wide at the widest point near the forward end, and eleven
inches wide at the back end.
Clearly, boards
of the aliea, or thin design, were usually made of koa or wood of the breadfruit
tree. At Waikiki, today, a board of tHe above dimensions is used only by
children up to twelve years old.
The surf bathers
Caton speaks of were certainly of the old school, as he says they stripped
to their breach cloths or malos, before going in the water.
Caton found the
natives could not explain why they were propelled sh.oreward with such
astonishing speed, nor could Mr. Ca~n explain it himself, nor could his
friends. He hoped that someday, someone would study the question and find
an answer to it.
The answer is
relatively simple. Gravity does the trick. The
Page 42.
front slope of
the wave on which one slides presents a down-hill path, while the friction
of the slippery board against the water is very small. It's the same as
skiing on a snow-covered hill, and there is no doubt as to what make&
one slide down a hill on skis. However, in skiing, one can start down hill
from a stationary posi- tion, while in surfriding some momentum must first
be attained ,to catch up with the incoming swell. This is accomplished
by pad- dling the board with the hands and arms.
In 1822, a publication,
the Hawaiian Annauls, has an inter- esting comment to make on surf riding:
"The principal
sport is surf riding ...The people of Kauai generally held the credit of
exceeding all others in the sports of the Islands. At one time, they sent
their champion surf rider to compete with the chiefs in the sport on Hawaii,
who showed them man's ability to shoot, or ride with the surf without a
surfboard."
So the popular
and much seen United States sport of "body surfing" is an old Hawaiian
custom.
Some feel that
the cooler climate of Kauai is why the greatest athletes come from those
shores.
Duke Kahanomoku
calls attention to the fact that to catch a wave for "body surfing," in
the true Hawaiian manner, it is necessary to swim before the breaker using
the modern crawl stroke, with a flutter kick. As a boy, Duke "body-surfed"
and swam the crawl stroke before the world had a name for it. Also the
ancient Hawaiians, adapt at "body surfing," swam the crawl stroke as part
of the sport; therefore, the origin of the so-called new craw swimming
stroke dates back to antiquity.
The crawl kick
was also used in conjunction with the short three-foot surfboards used
at Waikiki beach around the 1903 period.
I can say Duke
is the world's outstanding body-surfer. I have watched him ride the surf
in perfect style here in Hawaii and in the mainland United States, without
a board. On one occasion at Balboa, California, I saw him body-surf a big
comber for over two hundred yards.
When body surfing,
Duke can slide the wave left or right at will. This greatly surprised the
Australians as they had never seen it done before, although they were familiar
with shooting the waves without a board.
Page 43.
The Australians
are very clever at this sport; it is the leading water pastime at their
beaches.
In 1891, Bolton
wrote: "The sport of surf riding, once so universally popular, and now
but little seen."
As seen on the
Island of Niihau, Bolton describes surf riding: "Six stalwart men assembled
on the beach, bearing with them their precious surfboards. These surfboards,
in Hawaiian, 'papahee- nalu,' or 'wave sliding boards,' are made from the
wood of the veri veri, or breadfruit 'tree. They are eight or nine feet
long, fifteen to twenty inches wide, rather thin, rounded at each end,
and carefully smoothed. The boards are stained black, are fre- quently
rubbed with coconut oil, and are preserved with great solicitude, sometimes
wrapped in cloths. Children use smaller boards. ..Just as a high billow
was about to break over them, pushed landward in front of the combers.
They drove him for- ward ont9 the. beach, or into shallow water."
.Here we find
the same kind of surfboard, the aliea type used in Niihau, as seen 1?Y
Caton in Hawaii, at the other end of the group of Hawaiian Islands.
In the Ha~ian
Annuals, published in 1896, is an account of ancient surfriding, prepated
by a native of the Kona district of Hawaii, familiar with the subject.
The valuable work was trans- lated by Nakoina, a former surfrider.
I feel this to
be the finest contribution on old surfriding in existence and am sure the
"native from Kona" knew the art of surfriding well. Her:e is the account:
"Surfriding was
one of the favorite sports, in which chiefs, men, women and youths took
a lively interest. Much valuable time was spent by them in this practice
,throughout the day. Necessary work for the maintenance of the family,
such as farming, fishing, mat and tapa making, and such other household
duties required of them and needing attention, by either head of the family,
was often neglected for the prosecution of the sport. Betting was made
an accompaniment thereof, both by .the chiefs and the common people, as
was done in all other games, such as wrestling, foot- racing, holua, and
several other games known only to the old Hawaiians. Canoes, nets, fishing
lines, kapas, swine, poultry and all other property was staked, and in
some instances, life itself was put as a wager. The property changing hands
and personal
Page 44.
liberty or even
life itself sacrificed according to the outcome of
the match, the
winners carrying off their riches, and the losers
and their families
passing to a life of poverty or servitude. There
are only three
kinds of trees known to be used for making boards
for surfriding.
the wili wili, the ulu or breafruit, and the koa.
"Tree and mode
of cutting: The uninitiated were naturally careless or indifferent as to
the method of cutting the chosen tree;
but among those
who desired success upon their labors, the follow-
ing rites were
carefully observed.
"Upon the selection
of a suitable tree, a red fish called kumu, was first procured, which was
placed at its trunk. The tree was then cut down, after which a hole was
dug at its root and the fish placed therein with a prayer as an offering
in payment thereof. After this ceremony was performed the tree trunk was
chipped away from each side until reduced to a board approximately of
the dimensions
required, when it was pulled down to the beach and placed in the halau
(canoe-house), or other suitable place con- venient for its finishing work.
"Finishing process.
Coral of the corrugated variety which could be gathered in abundance along
the sea beach and a rough kind of stone called 'oahi' were commonly used
articles for reduc- ing and smoothing the rough surface of the board until
all marks
of the stone
adze were obliterated. As a finishing stain, the root
of the ti plant
called 'mole-ki' or the pounded bark of the kukui, called 'hili,' was the
mordant used for a paint made with the root
of burned kukui
nuts. This furnished a durable, glossy, black finish, far preferable to
that made of the ashes of burned cane leaves or amau fern which had neither
body nor gloss."
Emerson says
of the protective finish of the canoe and surf- board: "This Hawaiian paint
had almost the quality of lacquer. Its ingredients were .the juice of a
certain euphorbia, the juice of the inner bark of the root of the kukui
tree, the juice of the bud of the banana tree, together with a charcoal
made from the leaf of the pandanus. A dressing of oil from the nut of the
kukui was
finally added
to give a finish."
I am told by
Cottrell, who saw the performance, that a surf- board made of wili wili
wood was buried in mud, near a spring, for a certain length of time to
give it a high polish.
I should say
that the mud entered the porous surface of the
Page 45.
wi Ii wili board
acting as a good "filler" for sealing up the surface. When the board was
then dried out the mud surface became hard and was polished and oiled to
a fine waterproof finish.
"Before using
the board, there were other rites or ceremonies to be performed for its
dedication. As before these were disre- garded by the common people, but
among those who followed the making of surfboards as a trade, they were
religiously observed.
"There were .two
kinds of boards for surf riding. One was called Olo, and the other the
alaia, known also as omo. The Olo was made of wili wili, a very light bouyant
wood, some three fathoms long, two to three feet wide, and from six to
eight inches thick along the middle of the board lengthwise, but rounding
to- ward the edges on both upper and lower sides. It is well known that
the 010 was only for the use of the chiefs; none of the com- mon people
used it. They used the alaia, which was made of koa or ulu. Its length
and width was similar to the 010 except in thickness, it being about one
and a half inches along its center.
"Breakers. The
line of breakers is the place where the outer surf rises and breaks at
deep sea. This is called kulana nalu. Any place nearer or closer in where
the surf rises and breaks again as they sometimes do, is ca1led the ahua.
"Methods of Surfriding.
The swimmer taking position at the line of breakers waits for the line
.of surf. As before men- tioned, the first one is a1lowed to pass by. It
is never ridden be- cause its front is rough. If the second comber is seen
to be a good one, it is sometimes taken, but usua1ly the third or fourth
is the best, both from the regularity of its breaking and the foam calmed
surface of the sea through the travel of its predecessors. In riding with
the 010 or thick board on a big surf, the board is pointed landward and
the rider mounting it paddles with his hands and impe1ls with his feet
to give the board a forward movement and when it receives the momentum
of the surf and begins to rush downward, the ski1led rider will guide his
course straight or obliquely, apparently at wi1l, according to spending
character of the surf ridden, to land himself high and dry on the beach
or dis- moTt on nearing it as he may elect. This style of riding was called
kipapa. In using ,the 010 great care had to be exercised in its management
lest from the height of the wave if coming in direct the board would be
forced into the face of the breaker
Page 46.
instead of floating
lightly and riding on ,the surface of the water in which case the wave
force being spent reaction throws both rider and board into the air.
"In the use of
the Olo, the rider had to swim out around the
line of surf
to obtain position or be conveyed thither by canoe. To swim out through
the surf with such a buoyant bulk was not possible, though it was sometimes
done with the thin boards, the alaia. The latter are good for riding all
kinds of surf and are much easier ,to handle than the 010.
"Expert Positions.
\T arious positions used to be indulged in by experts in this aquatic sport,
such as standing, kneeling and sitting. These performances could only be
indulged in after the board had taken on ,the surf momentum and in the
following man- ner. Placing the hands on each side of the board close to
the edge, the weight of the body was thrown upon the hands, and the feet
brought up quickly to the kneeling position. The sitting posi- tion is
obtained in the same way, though the hands must not be removed from the
board till the legs are thrown forward and the desired position is secured.
From kneeling the standing position was obtained by placing both hands
again on the board, and with agility, leaping up to the erect altitude,
balancing the body on the swift, coursing board with outstretched arms."
I can detect
only one error in the work. That writer says the 010 board of wili wili
was "two or three feet wide." This makes the board too wide to paddle comfortably
and also too wide to give a good performance. The width of the 010 board
was from one to two feet wide, instead of from two to three. I also infer,
from that error, the writer to be unfamiliar with the wi Ii wili, or chief's
board. It is also evident from his writing that the 010, or long thick
board, was not made of koa and ulu, but of only wili wili. Therefore, PaKi's
boards of 010 design and made of koa are an exception and not the rule.
They really are too heavy to please the average surfrider. On the other
hand, we have today an enthusiastic and skillful surf rider, Northrop Castle,
who has a board weighing more than either of Paki's. Castle's board weighs
about two hundred pounds, and he likes it.
The popularity
of betting on the old contests is discussed before all else. This emphasizes
its importance in ancient times
Page 47.
and that in turn
gives a better insight into the place surfboard racing had in their lives.
In the American
Anthropologist, 1889, we find reference to surfriding: "The riders sometimes
also raced to the kulano, or starting place. Standing on the boards as
they shot in was by no means uncommon. Men and women both took part in
this de- lightful pastime, which is now almost a lost art."
This establishes
the fact that some of the races were started from shore, the men paddling,
or racing out to ,the starting of the breakers.
The above work
also says: "Racing in the surf is called hie- eie-nalu, 'hie-eie' meaning
to race and 'nalu' meaning surf. Two champions will swim out to sea on
boards, and the first on arriv- ing on shore wins."
Andrews gives
the names 010 and wili wili, for a "very thick surfboard made of wili wili,"
and o-ni-ni as a "kind of surfboard," also "pa-ha" as a name for a surfboard.
In Andrew's mind
there evidently was established the belief that the wili wili wood was
the accepted wood for making the 010 or long thick surfboard.
Brigpam, in Preliminary
Catalogue, says: "Surfboards were usually made of koa, flat with a slightly
convex surface, rounded at one end, slightly narrowing towards the stern,
where it was cut square. Sometimes ,the 'pa-pa' (surfboard) was made of
a very light wi Ii wili and then made;ooQ1Q. (narrow). In size, they varied
from three to eighteen feet in length and from eight to ten inches in breadth,
but some of the ancient boards were said to have been four fathoms long."
There again,
we have an entirely different writer, who actually says that the Olo, or
narrow board, was made of the light wili wilIi wood and up to eighteen
feet in length.
Page 49.
A selection of photographs,
Third set between pages 48 and 49, includes Jacques Arago's (or Alphonse
Pellion's) :
"The Houses of
Kraimokou, circa 1819." and the caption by Blake ...
This third set also includes a photograph of a selection of four surfboards and the caption
In another magazine,
The
Pan Pacific, an article called "Surf- riding-The Royal and Ancient
Sport," by this writer, discloses the motif for trying to change the then
popular and satisfactory type of surfboards. Written in 1930, the article
reads in part:
"Strange as it
may seem, three old-style Hawaiian surfboards of huge dimensions and weight
have hung on the walls of the Bishop Museum -in Honolulu for twenty years
or more without anyone doing more than wonder how in the world these great
boards were used, and were they not too long and heavy to be practicable;
"I too, wondered
about these boards in the museum, wondered so much that in 1926 I built
a duplicate of them as an experiment, my object being to find not a better
board, but to find a faster board to use in the annual and popular surfboard
paddling races held in Southern California each summer. This surfboard
was sixteen feet long and weight 120 pounds. When I appeared with it for
the first time before 10,000 people gathered for a holiday and to watch
the races, it was regarded as silly. Handling this heavy board alone, I
got off to a poor start, the rest of the field gaining a thirty-yard lead
in the meantime. It really looked bad for the board and my reputation and
hundreds openly laughed. But a few minutes later it turned to applause
because the big board led the way to ,the finish of the 88O-yard course
by fully 100 yards.
"My dream was
to introduce, or revive, this type of board in Hawaii where surfboard racing
and riding is at its best. This seems to have materialized, for, quoting
Dr. D'Eliscu of the
Honolulu Star-Bulletin, 'The old Hawaiian surfboard
has again made its appearance at Waikiki beach modeled after the boards
used in the old days. A practice trial was held yesterday at the War Memorial
Pool, and to the surprise of the officials, the board took several seconds
off the Hawaiian record for one hundred yards.' This was the racing model.
The riding model, 'Okohola,' came a month later, December, 1929.
"What pleases
me most is the way the board can catch the ground swells on the reef so
much farther out to sea than the
Page 59.
ordinary surfboard.
So my faith in the ideas of the old Hawaiians has been rewarded by the
performance of a board designed by them thousands of years ago.
"Dad Center,
kamaina and famous surf rider, says that when he was a boy on the Island
of Maui, a native took a long board out in storm surf and rode the swells
till they broke near shore. So there we have a complete substantiation
of what the museum type board suggests. Dad continues, 'That was in the
'90's and was about the finish of the long board on that island. They were
occasionally used, however, more as a novelty at Waikiki, until around
1900.
I "Around 1900
the art of surfriding was almost obsolete. Even at Waikiki beach there
was very little as most people lived in Honolulu and it was difficult to
get to Waikiki. Interest revived and in 1907 a group of prominent men,
led by Alexander Hume Ford, organized and formed the Outrif{ger Canoe Club.
The
charter reads:
'We wish to have a place where surfboard riding' may be revived and those
who live away from the water front
may keep their
surfboards. The main. object of this club being. to give an added and permanent
attraction to Hawaii and make
the Wajkiki beach
the home of the surfrider'."
I have some notes
relative to the 1900 period written by Wm. A. Cottrell, one of the early
surfriders at Waikiki. He says: "Princess Kaiulaini was an expert surf
rider around 1895 to 1900. She rode a long 010 board made of wi Ii wili.
She apparently was the last of the old school at Waikiki.
"About 1903 we
used a short board a few feet long, rather thin and wide, like a washboard.
From 1903 to 1908 marks the true revival of the sport. encouraged by the
following old timers: Wm. Dole, Dudie ¥iller. Duke Kahanamoku, Harold
Castle, Geo. Freeth. Dad Center, Kauha, Ho1stein, Jordan, Lishman, Atkin-.
son, "Steamboat" Bill, Winter, Brown. Kaupipko, Mahelona, Kea- wamaki,
May, Curtiss, Hustace, Roth, Aurnolu and McKenzie. Some of these men are
riding today. Many of the above men were members of ,the first club, called
the 'Waikiki Swimming Club'; the charter members were Duke Kahanamoku,
Knute Cot- rell, and Ken Winters. This club was an incentive which influenced
the foundation of the Outrigger Canoe Club in 1907 and the Hui Nalu along
about the same time."
Page 60.
In 1961, Tom Blake
reprised some of his original work in a second book
A short note is
included in the Foreward
The designing
and building of surfboards was a highly respected profession. The making
of a board was a prolonged job; first, the tree must be felled in the mountain
valley, then laboriously carried home, shaped with stone adzes, allowed
to season, then finished, and finally, launched. A good board was kept
in the family for generations. Such a board was considered
to possess much
Manu, or accumulated powers. , :::
When the storm
waves were up, the young men took off for the beach; duties of tending
the taro patch, carving the calabash and of hewing the canoes were neglected,
until the waves subsided.
Foreward :
Page 1
Two images accompany
the following text
HISTORIC COLLECTION
(Figure
1)
At the Bishop
Musewn, secure in a vault-like room of heavy concrete along with countless
other artifacts of early Hawaiian culture, is this collection of surf-
boards. The prehistoric models show a clear-cut dis- tinction between the
Alaia and those of 010 design. However, no examples of the 010 board made
of Wili Wili wood are here, or seem to be in existence. Sev- eral of these
boards are links in the evolution of de- sign from 1900 to the 1930 period.
The museum has not room to display this full collection.
SURFBOARDS OF
ANCIENT TIMES (Figure 2)
Of interest to
every surfrider and on display in the Bishop Museum of Honolulu are these
two authentic models of the Ancient Royal Hawaiians. The one at the left
is an Alaia, made of wood of the Breadfruit tree. It is an inch and one
half thick maximum, and weighs about 70 pounds and was used by the commoners
of Hawaii. The Board on the right of a similar shape, called Olo, is about
six inches thick at the center. Both boards have a convex top and bottom
and fairly sharp edges. 1'he long one is made of Hawaiian Koa wood, but
the chieftains favored a light, balsa-like wood called Wili Wili, native
to Hawaii, but now scarce. This Olo model weighs 168 pounds. One made of
Wili Wili wood might weigh 60 pounds. It is believed they were generally
ridden in a prone position on big waves while the thin one has good steering
qualities for small surf and was easily ridable in a standing position.
Page
Page 43.Page 43.Page 43.
Dimensions vary between 6 feet and 12 feet in length, average 18 inches in width, and between half an inch and an inch and a half thick. The nose is round and turned up, the tail square. The deck and the bottom are convex, tapering to thin rounded rails. This cross-section would maintain maximum strength along the centre of the board and the rounded bottom gave directional stability, a crucial factor as the boards did not have fins.
Any discussion of the performance capabilities is largely speculation. Contemporary accounts definitely confirm that Alaia were ridden prone, kneeling and standing; and that the riders cut diagonally across the wave. Details of wave size, wave shape, stance and/or manouvres are, as would be expected, overlooked by most non-surfing observers. Most early illustrations of surfing simply fail to represent any understanding of the mechanics of wave riding. Modern surfing experience would suggest that high performance surfing is limited more by skill than equipment. It is a distinct probablity that ancient surfers rode large hollow waves deep in the curl - certainly prone, and on occassions standing.
By 1000 A.D these
principles were confirmed...
13. Large waves
are faster than small waves.- a larger board is easier to achieve
take off.
14. Steep waves
are faster than flat waves.- a smaller board is easier to control at take
off.
15. Control is more
important than speed
16. Surfboards are
precious.
There are no contemporary accounts of how the boards were ridden, but it is most likely that the design was specifically for riding large swells on outside reefs, rather than on breaking or curling waves. In 1961, Tom Blake suggested that the Olo may have been ridden prone.
In the 1920's, Tom Blake and Duke Kahanamoku reproduced the design in a hollowed version to radically reduce the weight. See #5xx, below
This third set also
includes a photograph of a selection of four surfboards and the caption
Illustrations, Third set, Plate , between pages 48 and 49. The image, right, is as reproduced in the 1983/1985/1996 reprint of Hawaiian Surfboard, retitled as Hawaiian Surfriders 1935. The image crops the tails of all the boards and the nose of Paki's board. The white scar appears to be a tear in the page from which the later edition was copied. |
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Image left
Bishop Museum Surfboard Collection, circa 1959. Photograph: Star Bulletin. HISTORIC COLLECTION
(Figure
1)
|
Image right
Alia board and Paki's Olo, Bishop Museum Collection, circa 1959. Photograph: Star Bulletin SURFBOARDS OF
ANCIENT TIMES (Figure 2)
|
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